Silently, silently, on we trode and trode, White lay the wolds around us, ankle deep In new-fallen snows, which champ'd beneath our tread ; The mirror'd stars upon its map of ice, Oh, leaf! from out the volume of far years With all its varied whirls of chance and change- The eyes that gleam, the hearts that throb, the hopes, As landmarks of historical renown With azure peaks the sky; in the green plain, As 'twere of yesterday-yet robed in tints At length, upon the solitary shore We walk'd of ocean, which, with sullen voice, Sang its primeval song. A weary waste! We pass'd through pools, where muscle, clam, and wilk, Now day with darkness for the mastery strove ;- And fairest, Lucifer, whose silver lamp, In solitary beauty, twinkling, shone 'Mid the far west, where, through the clouds of rack Floating around, peep'd out at intervals The ocean flocks, or slumbering on the wave 'Twere sad to tell our murderous deeds that morn. Silent upon the chilly beach we lay Prone, while the drifting snow-flakes o'er us fell, Of wanton cruelty. The eider ducks, With their wild eyes, and necks of changeful blue, A tiny flock, innumerable, as round And round they flew, bewail'd their broken ranks : A slaughter'd hecatomb; and to my heart, Soul-sicken'd, satiate, and dissatisfied, The finer sensibilities, which man In boyhood owns, and which the world destroys.- POEMS BY M. M. EARLY DAWN-LOVE AND HOPE. So ends the glory of the night— So dreary doth the morn appearSo pale my spirit's warning light So joyless to be lingering here. Are stars, indeed, but dying fires? Is dawn, indeed, so deathly cold?— Grey images of chance desires, That perish while their leaves un- Is all my soul's unquenched love Shall all my heart's outgoings back That early life repaireth not The ending lustre of the sky; So sadly fails my forward thought, I hope to weep-I love to die. Oh inward, wasting, loving flame, That warms none other breast but mine! Which ever burns alone, the same, In my own being's depths to shine! Not here affection finds its scope, Its heritage is fix'd aboveWhere shall my heart secure its hope? When shall my spirit rest in love? Oh! let me die at dawn The stir of living men Would call my warning spirit back Unto its home again. But at the early light Existence seems afar, Back in the depths of parted time, Let me go forth alone, Before the sun uprise, And meet the springing of the moon In its own distant skies. Yes! let me die at dawn The stir of living men Would call my waning spirit back, Unto its home again. SONG. Vow no more: I did not think Sing thy songs beneath their bowers- Weep no more: thy tears are false Yet I thought thou once wast true, If I live without thee; A NIGHTLY REMEMBRANCE. Do angels haunt the scenes of earth? Then whither dost thou roam? Not in the city's teeming heartNot in thy quiet home; Not where the twisted yew.tree hangs Above thy death-hush'd grave; Not where the alder's trembling boughs In the blue midnight wave. But in the cumbrous solitudes, Let none intrude to mar the peace Rest in thy great unbroken love Which nought but death could teach to thee Which nought but dying brings. SIR ROBERT PEEL'S POSITION ON NEXT RESUMING POwer. SOMETIMES we see events, impending through a long period and brooding over men's expectations, gathering silently under causes so determinate, and strengthened by tendencies concurring so entirely to one sole result, as at length to assume that character of grandeur which belongs to the inevitable. Such an event, so prepared by circumstances, so matured by a clamorous succession of public necessities, is the approaching return of Sir Robert Peel to power. It is an event not directly promoted by himself; not solicited by his supporters; favoured by no intrigues, pointing to no interest of faction; and yet it is universally felt to be certain. If of any administration whatever, formed in past times under any conflict of principles, we may assume of this, that it will rest upon the acquiescence of the nation. So long as a strife exists between an unlimited theory of Reform and a hostile policy of Conservation, it is hopeless for any minister to calculate upon a general popularity. That condition of luxury for a political leader would be a condition of torpor for the public service; and as little to be wished for by us as it is to be expected by him. But thus far we rely upon a pretty tolerant state of feeling towards Sir Robert, even in the most revolutionary section of our Reformers-that, of all Conservatives, he is notoriously the most indulgent towards the temper of occasional reform; reform as indicated by some real official experience, but not as the vis animatrix of a general revolutionary scheme; and next, because, from all the signs of the times, we judge that any such indefinite profession of reform, such an unconditional policy of change, has now lost any footing which it once had in the national mind. We do not believe that any general agitation for a purpose of general change, would now meet with the merest toleration. We are of opinion that the very acquiescence and tranquillity, which we are noticing in the public temper under the pros pect of a Peel administration, puts this question out of doubt. There is no man blind enough to suppose, that any large theoretic projects of recast ing our constitution, could wear a pro- We believe the great Reform mania, is a chimera too wild for discussion. For such a poor fractional privilege, which, by ceasing to be a narrow distinction, would cease even to be an ornament, these children of labour felt all the cynical scorn which it deserved. What they had put their faithin-what they had been instructed to put their faith in-was a thorough, perfect, searching recast of the entire national property, by which thousands would suffer, but millions were to gain. It does not reflect upon a poor man's understanding, that he should imagine such effects to be possible under such a division; nor, when we think of the plans agitated in many nations and in many times for a composition with the national creditor, does it necessarily reflect upon the quality of his conscience that he A poor man should contemplate such a re distribution as desirable. entertains pretty generally an obscure notion of the mode by which the existing arrangement of property has been reached. He is not at all sure but injustice and unequal combination may have had as much to do with it as just industry and honourable enterprize; and in this country there is an old traditional faith in the omnipo tence of Parliament to stamp a sanction upon that which otherwise might be unlawful. Granting such a new division of funds to be wrong per se, a poor man believes that Parliament could make it right. But, wrong or right, with plausible grounds or none at all, it is certain that the poor man of 1832 did believe in the coming revolution of property which we here notice. He was tempted into lending the terrific support of his order, and carrying its numerical weight to the cause of Reform, under a delusion that Reform was a gentle name for a fierce but salutary experiment. He was encouraged in this belief by many who knew better; and under a notion that such a process of spoliation was not always to disorganize a state, but sometimes, with proper sanctions, the sole means of re-organizing an old state when deeply diseased, and that perhaps all nations, at periodic intervals, went through a similar course of remodelling. This was the principle on which so tempestuous an effort was carried forward in the early stages of Reform; and the history of Great Britain will not be truly written if this extensive but very natural delusion amongst the poor is overlooked as the inner strength of the reforming cause. No man likes to acknowledge his own past extravagances; still less when their disappointment has been signally recorded; least of all when that disappointment, unmitigated by the slightest apology from those who deluded him, or by any injunction to hope better from future efforts, seems to challenge some error, some vice, some taint in his original hopes. Where his political leader refuses to recognise any failure of his expectations, that is in effect to deny the expectation as ever having been reasonable or just. These leaders and exciters in reality affect now to put out of view, not even consciously to regard as possibilities, those motives which secretly they knew, and they know to have been, the sole motives; motives to which they them selves daily contributed by words, spoken, but not written by statements insinuated, but not avowed-in order that no evidences might exist against themselves when the day of promises had passed, and the days of performance were sinking into large arrears. A man blushes to acknowledge anticipations which his friend will laugh at as romantic, and which his enemy will throw in his teeth as wicked. But he has not, therefore, hidden from himself these painful recollections; and the readiest way to brighten them into fierce reaction will be-a second time to ask him for a second effort of political agitation. Manet altâ mente repostum. If he still broods over the social arrangements of property as a wrong and an oppression-if that delusion still abides with him he has learned, at least, to view the proposal of redressing it through political combination as a second and more intolerable wrong; so much the worse than the other, as mockery and insult are worse than violent wrong. And not for himself only, but for many who will belong to the next generation; for the children who surrounded his fireside during that carnival and jubilee of impracticable visions, those many conversations must have faded to the last mortifying trace by which he sought to propagate his own hopes, and to strengthen his own belief, through sympathy widely reverberated, before another co-operation can be demanded from the poor by selfish political incendiaries towards any vague purpose of general reform. For a solitary object, such as a cornlaw delusion-for an object not too large to be obtained by petition from Parliament-a partial or a local confederacy may again take effect between the poor and interested demagogues; but never again, so long as the deep remembrances survive from the cruel illusion of their hopes between 1830 and 1835, can a popular agitation be won in England to any scheme of organic change, such as is meant to operate by overawing Parliament, or by violently changing places with the rich. It is not only that this bitter experience must have perished with its lessons, before again the poor would be seduced into a commerce so treacherous; but also it must be remembered that, even in 1830, even for that single experiment, the poor could not have |