promises were broken, all honor denied its claims, all mercy treated as ignoble weakness, and whole regions brought under the ruthless domination of a pitiless invader. It is not true that a State can save its life from an enemy by submission and trust and sacrifice, if the enemy has made itself deliberately impervious to any moral appeal. The fact is that a great deal, if not all of the argument for non-resistance urged on religious and Christian grounds, arises from a confusion of two separate and divine institutions, namely, the State and the Church. We shall try in later pages to describe the mutual relation of these supreme institutions in human life. Suffice it to say here in brief that while sacrifice is essential to the life and growth, and is an inherent duty, of the Church,1 it is fatal to the State. While the use of force is essential to the functions of the State, necessary to the healthful and beneficent discharge of its duty, it is fatal to the Church. Force and sacrifice are both methods of God, as Christianity has at last made known in its Gospel to the world. In God they are both exercised with that perfection of wisdom which is His alone. In human society as a whole their operation has become assigned to two different institutions. The same men must, or ought to, live and work wholeheartedly in each, out of which devotion, if it become universal in • See below, pp. 94-96, 114-117. sincerity and constancy of soul, the perfect race of man would swiftly and gloriously emerge, like a noontide sun. In the meantime we must be content to live in the bewildering twilight which our partial consecration, infected and limited by our selfish and callous hearts, prolongs. And the result is that we must serve the State with its use of force, and the Church with its use of sacrifice, aware that in our world as it is, each is difficult of fulfilment, each is obscure in its effect, yet both being more widely and fully exercised today than yesterday, a brighter tomorrow is being prepared for our race. CHAPTER IV THE GERMAN MILITARIST DOCTRINE OF THE STATE We must reckon now with a very different conception of the State from that which we have described above. For there has arisen in our modern world a system of government which is founded more openly and deliberately upon a definite theory than any other known to history except the United States of America. And in most of the fundamental principles on which they are based these two governments stand in complete and irreconcilable hostility to one another. It is true that the world owes much to German students of political science, and that many of them would repudiate almost in toto the theory, policy, and spirit of the German Empire of today. But another group has gained the mastery, and it is their position with its consequences which we must examine partially in this chapter. 1. There is one strong characteristic of the German mind which we must remember if we would understand in part how it has come to hold opinions and engage in practices from which the |