from the ordinary authority of the legislatures. This will be more essential, as inroads on the existing constitutions of the states will be unavoidable."

Probably no other man in the country made such preparation for the convention as did Mr. Madison. He gave the many subjects to be considered careful and earnest study. He made, at least, this outline of what he thought should go into the constitution. Anyone who will compare this outline with the actual constitution will see how much of Mr. Madison's suggestion went in. Some of his suggestions were left out, that perhaps would better have gone in. It is clear that he wanted a strong government, a supreme government over the states in all that pertained to its functions. He did not intend to have secession, or disunion, possible by any of the states.

The great question of the time was, how much of the general power of government shall be given to the states, and how much to the general government. The federalists wanted a strong central government; the high federalists wanted it absolute. The republicans wanted to keep the power near the people, in the states as much as possible and not have a general government at all. Washington, Madison, Adams, and especially Hamilton and Morris, wanted strength in the general government. The two latter were high federalists of the strongest type. Madison was a moderate federalist, at this time. Later, he inclined more to trust the people, and became a moderate republican. Whatever partisan he was, he was moderate. He had a cool, judicial, constructive mind, which kept him from party extremes and usually on the middle ground of moderation. He was in close sympathy with Washington. Their spirits were in accord, only Washington was more a man of action, while Madison was more a man of meditation. In the formation of the constitution he sought to put strength into the general government over the states, in all that was peculiarly national. He wanted a nation, a union that was indissolublenot only a union of states but of all the people. For national purposes, he would have state lines in abeyance. The old confederacy was too weak as a national compact. It was too much

subject to state dictation. All the wise men were feeling this; so much so that many were beginning to swing back toward monarchical institutions. The states were jealous of their rights, and in the convention sought to keep them strong. Under the confederacy, they had been almost supreme. They were slow to give up prerogatives to the general government. This, then, was the great thing to adjust, the proper balance between the state governments and the general government. Mr. Madison did not secure all he desired for the general government. And the experience of a hundred years has proved that the general government has been often put to the strain in just those places where he wanted it stronger. Its weakest place was against the states. And it was just at this point that the rebellion of 1861 came in. Here too was where South Carolina nullification set up its claim in the administration of Andrew Jackson. It was over this that the great arguments of Haynes and Webster were made. There has always been a class of politicians who have claimed more for the states than the general government could safely grant. This weakness in the constitution, allowed against Mr. Madison's judgment, has always been a bone of contention and cost us one great civil war. Our experience has proved how wise was the great original outliner of the constitution. Gradually its special amendments have fortified its original weakness. Experience has proved that the moderate federalists were essentially right in their notion of the necessity of strength in the general government, and that our danger has come from a too little governed democracy. As between the dangers of monarchy on one side and democracy on the other, America has been most exposed to the latter. Her chief danger still lies in that direction. A strong and just government usually makes a happy people, just as a well-governed family or school is usually happy. So essential was the part that Mr. Madison acted in the constitutional convention that he has been called "The Father of the Constitution." He seems to have been raised up for this special work as Washington was to lead the armies, and Jefferson to draft the declaration of independence and Adams to argue the way

to its adoption. And of all the work done by the founders of this great nation, nothing ever has been more important than the constitution of the United States. It is the great charter of our nationality, the most magnificent work of human wisdom yet done in this world. The nations have not yet sufficiently appreciated it; nor have our own people yet done full justice to the mind, character and life of James Madison, who is as literally the father of the constitution as Washington is of the country.

THE FEDERALIST.

After the constitution was formed, a series of state papers was written in its explanation and defense, and published all over the country, and read and studied with more profound interest, than any such papers ever put forth in this country. After their first publication, they were gathered into a book entitled: "The Federalist." They became authority for the meaning and philosophy of the constitution. Their intellectual power, their clear elucidation of the intent and scope of the constitution, were so marked that they have always been held as master pieces of political philosophy. They were produced by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay. Hamilton is supposed to have made the first draft of more of them than either of the others, and Madison next. But none of them went to press till the three had agreed in all their statements. They were thus the joint product of the three minds. As Mr. Madison was the mover in and originator of more of the constitution than any other, his part in "The Federalist," is apparent.

No thoughtful young American should consider himself equipped as a citizen, till he has not only read, but studied, "The Federalist."

A MEMBER OF CONGRESS.

In 1789, the time when the constitution went into operation, Mr. Madison was made a member of Congress. He thus began with Washington the conduct of the new government. Mr.

Hamilton was Washington's secretary of the treasury. The country was in a bad financial condition; debts everywhere, and nothing to pay them with. Mr. Hamilton was a bold operator and full of great schemes. His financial plans did not meet Mr. Madison's approval; so he was forced into the attitude of opposition to many of the things of Washington's administration; but his opposition was so tempered with friendly consideration, that it did not disturb the good relations between the father of his country and the father of the constitution. He served in Congress eight years. During Mr. Adams' administration, "The alien and sedition laws" were passed, and other high federalist measures, which became unpopular. Mr. Madison drafted two series of resolutions against them, one as a private citizen in 1798, and one as a member of the Virginia legislature in 1799, which had a powerful influence against the federal rule and for the speedy triumph of the democratic party under Jefferson.

SECRETARY OF STATE.

Thomas Jefferson was elected president of the United States in 1801. He appointed Mr. Madison secretary of state, which office he held during the eight years of Mr. Jefferson's service. Scarcely could Mr. Jefferson have made a wiser choice. Mr. Jefferson was a man of strong impulses and radical action and speech. He was liable, under provocation, to be an extremist. He was elected as a radical democrat; whom the high federalists regarded as a leveler, a Jacobin, a contemner of law and religion. They dreaded his election as they would that of Lucifer. Extreme feelings were in the ascendant. Mr. Madison had all along been a moderate federalist; was a moderate man always; was profoundly respected by all parties; was one of the authors of "The Federalist," which was that party's political bible. His appointment to the first office in the cabinet was an assurance of moderation in the democratic president, and encouraged the federalists to hope that all was not lost. And this, which worked so well in the beginning, worked equally well through the whole administration.

FOURTH PRESIDENT.

Mr. Madison succeeeded Mr. Jefferson as president, in 1809, being the fourth to hold that high office. He went in with a strong majority, having one hundred and twenty-two votes out of one hundred and seventy-six.

He took the great office at a gloomy period. The domestic affairs of the nation were getting more peaceful. The people were learning self-government, and learning to have more confidence in each other and their government. They were learning too not to see ruin in each others' opinions; not to see a throne in a federalist's opinions; nor a French revolution in a democrat's. But there was trouble brewing with England. She had never been satisfied with the result of the revolution; had been sulky and sour ever since, and making herself disagreeable to her former colonists. She deemed herself mistress of the seas, and that other nations, especially her old colonists, had no rights that she was bound to respect. So she infringed on American rights on the high seas; went aboard American merchant vessels, when she pleased, and took off such of the crews as she thought would make good soldiers, and forced them into her army and navy to fight her battles; and did all such things as she chose, without any respect for her treaty obligations.

Various appeals and measures were adopted to rectify these grievous wrongs; but all to no effect. With a high hand, England kept going on her own way; impressing our seamen into her service whenever it suited her necessities; and doing many other unworthy acts. Mr. Madison was peaceful, and dreaded war; and so went on a couple of years, bearing and persuading; but all to no purpose. By this time his party had a strong majority in Congress. Among the leaders were such men as Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Crawford, Lowndes, and others like them. They said: "We must fight the old oppressor. She will never do right till we compel her to." So they began a movement for creating an army and navy, and getting ready the munitions of war; and pushed it on till they felt the time had come to begin to strike again military blows for our rights.