day would come when Belgium would be annexed to France, the German Rhenish province would be exposed to imminent danger. To prevent this Germany was demanding Strasburg, and this demand was not censured in Europe as extravagant. With regard to the demand for Metz, opinion was divided, and while not expressing his own opinion on the right of this demand, the minister asserted that peace depended on its being complied with. "Finally," he wrote, "I will not withhold my opinion that the German armies are now engaged in a war not only for the peace, independence and union of Germany, but also for the best interests of civilization, of civil and religious liberty and of popular freedom." 9 Holding such a viewpoint toward the two belligerents, it is not surprising to find the American minister hoping for some evidence of similar feelings on the part of his home government. In September, 1870, Mr. Bancroft10 wrote in confidence to his nephew, Mr. Davis, that he had been hoping to see from Mr. Fish "some good strong word expressing a complaint of a declaration of war so injurious to commerce and without a cause," or if this could not 9 Bancroft Mss., No. 121 (to Secretary of State Fish). 10 J. C. B. Davis Mss., Geo. Bancroft to Davis. (Secret and confidential.) "DEAR JOHN: I have been hoping to see from Mr. Fish some good strong word, not violating neutrality, but perhaps expressing a complaint of a declaration of war so injurious to commerce without a cause, and if that cannot be, then what all Europe and all neutral governments would respond to, an energetic remonstrance against the needless cruelties exercised toward the Germans domiciled in France, a most numerous, a most industrious, wealthy, orderly, peace-loving, cultivated people. A good letter expressing sympathy with the Germans would have a most important effect and perhaps in our elections carry them in November. I am certain it is best, i. e., right in itself and politic for the Government, in some way to mark strongly a sympathy with the Germans. Another consideration not so free from doubt presents itself. The neutral European powers will, when the negotiations for peace begin, attempt to exercise a pressure adverse to the Germans. The question arises whether we could, and if we can, whether we should, exercise a counter-pressure, so as to leave the matter to be settled exclusively by the two nationalities, German and French, without meddlesome intervention from powers that like ourselves profess neutrality. I do not presume to offer an opinion on this subject, only to call attention to an aspect of the negotiations which is very likely to arise. I am ever affectionately yours, GEO. BANCROFT.". EFFORTS TO SECURE ACTION IN FAVOR OF GERMANY 15 be, then at least "an energetic remonstrance against the needless cruelties toward the Germans domiciled in France." Such a letter expressing sympathy with these Germans would, he declared, have an important effect and perhaps carry the home elections in November. He considered it both right in itself and politic for the United States Government "in some way to mark strongly a sympathy with the Germans." Moreover, in regard to the future, he hoped that if the neutral European powers should attempt to exercise during the peace negotiations "a pressure adverse to the Germans," that the United States would "exercise a counterpressure, so as to leave the matter to be settled exclusively by the two nationalities, German and French." In reply the Assistant Secretary summed up" the general attitude 11 J. C. B. Davis Mss (to Bancroft, reply to September 5 letter from B.). WASHINGTON, September 23, 1870. "MY DEAR UNCLE: I don't see how Mr. Fish could have well done more than he did do to manifest our individual sympathy for the German cause in this war. There was throughout the country a deep-seated feeling in their favor until it was believed they showed a determination to prolong the war for the sake of acquiring territory inhabited by a population that does not wish to come under their sway. When the public got this idea, which may or may not have been correct, they ceased to feel the intense sympathy which they had previously exhibited, and an attempt by the administration to interfere in any way in their favor, or to swerve from a rigid neutrality, would have been resented by the good sense of America. We have not received here any evidence of needless cruelties toward the Germans in the execution of the decree of expulsion. Washburne has made no complaint. The decree itself may have been harsh and uncalled for, but it seems to have been a military measure, entirely within the discretion of the French military authorities. Sherman did the same thing at Atlanta-so that we are the last people who could complain of the principle. There has been a studied and persistent pressure from the German Legation since the beginning of the war to force us into an attitude toward France inconsistent with our neutrality. Baron Gerolt has spared no effort to entrap me into improper positions. He tried to make me protest against the expulsion of the Germans. What right had we to protest in an affair which did not concern us until we were asked by the North German government to be their mouthpiece which they have never done. He grew angry when I told him of open violations of the neutrality laws by his consul in New York, and refused at first to take any warning. And he had several times pressed similar questions upon me in a way that has obliged me to be almost harsh with the old gentleman. What he has done to Mr. Fish I cannot say. In spite of all this, we have always construed, and without giving France cause of offense, that the sympathies of the Administration are with Germany. I think I may safely say that the whole country is satisfied with the course Mr. Fish has pursued in this matter. As to intervention on our part, I do not think that it will take place without the previous consent of both parties-nor will it take place then by any prospect if it is to be done jointly with other powers." of the American people and the administration toward Germany. He stated that there was a deep-seated feeling throughout the country in favor of the Germans until they sought to prolong the war, in order to acquire territory inhabitated by a people who did not wish to come under their rule,12 after the American public had received the impression that this was being done, there was less sympathy for Germany, and "an attempt by the administration to interfere in any way" in favor of the Germans or "to swerve from a rigid neutrality would have been resented by the good sense of America." Mr. Davis set forth the difficulties encountered in maintaining that rigid neutrality. Baron Gerolt, the German Minister, he wrote, spared no effort to entrap him into improper positions, seeking to have the Government protest against the expulsion of German civilians from France. While that expulsion decree may have been harsh and uncalled for, it seemed to him to be a military measure within the discretion of the French military authorities. Moreover, he had had to complain to the German minister of the open violation of the American neutrality law by the German consul in New York, who had been assisting German officers to return to the army.13 In spite of such actions he had 12 J. C. B. Davis Journal, August 29, 1870. "Baron Gerolt said he had called in consequence of information received through the Associated Press that England, Russia and Austria intended intervening in the war to make peace, to ask what would be the public feeling in the country in regard to such an intervention—that those powers naturally looked with jealousy on the increase of German influence and power and would oppose an increase of territory. He added that he was induced to make the request because I had told him at my house that the people of this country would not look favorably on the conquest of Alsace and Lorraine. I replied that what I had said to him I had said privately as one gentleman to another in my own house; and that I had no objection to repeat in the same way that it was my individual opinion that the demand of territory would prolong the war and in that way would not be favorably regarded by the people of the United States-but that officially I had only to say to him that while the United States do not permit European intervention in the affairs of their continent, they did not on the other hand intervene in European affairs." 13 J. C. B. Davis Mss., 1870–71. AUGUST 1, 1870. "The Baron responded at once to my note. I told him that I had taken the liberty to ask him to call at the Department because I had seen in the newspapers and heard otherwise that Mr. Roessing, the North German CAREFUL NEUTRALITY OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT 17 always construed, "and without giving France cause of offense, that the sympathies of the administration were with Germany.' In reference to intervention, Mr. Davis asserted that such would hardly take place without the consent of both belligerents, and not at all if it required joint action with other powers. The claims of the German Minister and of Bancroft that the ' United States should issue a protest against the expulsion of German civilians from France were based on the function, which had been assumed by the American Government, of acting as protector in France of all citizens of the North German Union.14 This immense work was in the hands of Mr. E. B. Washburne, United States Ambassador to Paris. In addition to other services, he distributed among needy Germans the funds forwarded to him Consul at New York, was receiving persons at the consulate and furnishing them with the means of returning to Germany to take part in the war, and that I thought it due to the Baron as a friendly act, to say that if that was so he had better be cautioned, as this Government intended to preserve and enforce its neutrality in this contest. The Baron answered quite testily, that Mr. Roessing had done nothing to violate our laws-that over 600 people had applied to him for means to go back, but that he had refused all except persons who had left Germany under written obligations to return in case of war and serve out their term in the army-that there were a dozen or sixteen of such persons to whom he had loaned money to pay their expenses back to enable them to go into the army-that such persons were not citizens of the United States—that we had no claim upon them—that they were bound to go back-that they were now in the Prussian army-that if they did not go back they would be deserters-that Mr. Roessing in assisting them did not violate the law-that in what he had done he had acted with the sanction of the Baron-and that they would return individually and not in squads. I got the statute and pointed out to the Baron that it was an offense to assist (?) a person within the jurisdiction of the United States to go beyond their limits with intent to enter in the service of a foreign prince, as a soldier, marine or seaman, and I told him that I was afraid that Mr. Roessing would be held by our courts to have already violated that law, and I thought it but a friendly act to caution him. The Baron replied that it could not be so. Mr. Roessing had violated no law of the United States-no court would hold so—and proceedings could be commenced against him to test it if we thought he had done wrong. Seeing the temper he was in I contented myself with saying that I had given him notice and he must exercise his own judgment as to what he would do. 14 Bancroft Mss. No. 121 (to Secretary of State Fish). Mr. Bancroft wrote that England having taken over the protection of the French in Germany would have gladly undertaken to help matters, even the protection of Germans in France. Bismarck, however, "refused to allow this and by turning over the office to our government, called the United States visibly into the circle of first class powers." by the Prussian Government. Mr. Washburne at one time wrote to Bismarck that he was giving assistance to twenty-nine hundred Germans.15 His efficient services in this capacity, while satis factory to France, won the praise of Bismarck and the German Emperor16 and contributed effectively to the good feeling in Germany toward the United States. At the time of the French order of expulsion of the North Germans from France, Mr. Washburne, acting under private instructions from the State Department, presented to the Duke of Gramont an appeal,17 "in the name 15 Hepner, Adolf: "America's Aid to Germany in 1870-71," No. 123. Mr. Washburne to Count Bismarck, Paris, March 3, 1871. 16 Ibid., No. 154, Prince Bismarck to Mr. Washburne: BERLIN, June 13, 1871. "His Majesty has commanded me to convey to your Excellency his grateful recognition of the zeal and kindness you have devoted to the interests of the German residents under circumstances of extraordinary difficulty, and with corresponding sacrifice of time and personal comfort. I beg to add the reiterated expression of the sense of obligation I shall ever preserve for the uniform promptness and courtesy I have experienced from you in a business connection of nearly a twelvemonth's duration. With sentiments of the highest consideration, I have the honor to be Your Excellency's obedient servant BISMARCK. Also Bancroft Mss. No. 126, Bancroft to Fish, Berlin, August 22, 1870. "I ask leave to introduce a joint resolution, and in introducing it, I desire to say a single word. The Emperor of Germany, wishing to manifest his gratitude to ministers and consuls of the United States in France, is desirous of paying them some substantial compliment, but that cannot be done without the permission of Congress. I, therefore, offer a joint resolution on the subject for the purpose of having it referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. There being no objection, leave was granted to introduce a joint resolution (S. R., No. 6) permitting certain diplomatic and consular officials of the United States in France to accept testimonials from the Emperor of Germany for their friendly services to the subjects of the Emperor during the war between France and Germany; which was read twice by its title, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed." 17 For Washburne's protest to Gramont against Expulsion Order of North Germans from France see Correspondence of E. B. Washburne, FrancoGerman War and Insurrection of the Commune. Washington Gov. Print. Office, 1878, No. 44. Washburne to Fish, August 22, 1870, pp. 40 ff. "I said (to Gramont) further that in carrying out the wishes and instructions of my Government, I wished in the name of humanity to make an |