You caucus for no other possible purpose than under the implied argument that the opinion and wishes of the minority shall be yielded to the opinions of the majority, and the sole object of caucusing is to ascertain what is the will of the majority. I repeat that unless you intend to carry into effect the wishes of the majority, however contrary to your own, you have no business at a caucus.' (Political History of New York, vol. i., p. 192).—In accordance with this theory, the will of the majority becomes obligatory as soon as it is made known, and one cannot assist at a caucus in order to ascertain the will of the majority, without thereby being bound to follow it; and the theory is so deeply rooted that, under the caucus and primary election system, it has been extended to cases in which the majorities are such only in form.

sociation, provided twenty persons be present; if that number shall not be present, the meeting may be called to order with a less number, at the end of fifteen minutes. The first business of the meeting is to select a chairman, and all elections of delegates or committeemen shall take place in open meeting. Each person, as he offers to vote, states his name and residence, which may be compared with the registration list at the last election, and each person shall state for whom he votes, or he may hand to the judges an open ballot, having designated thereon the persons for whom he votes, and for what positions. Nominations are all made by conventions of delegates from the districts within which the candidate to be chosen is to be voted for. There is an assembly district committee in each assembly district, composed of one delegate for each 100 votes or fraction thereof, from each "The remedies as well as the evils of the election district within the assembly dis- caucus and nominating system have been trict. There is also a county committee made the subject of general discussion in composed of delegates from each of the as- connection with civil service reform. It is sembly district committees. The function claimed that that reform, by giving to pubof these committees is generally to look af-lic officers the same tenure of their positions ter the interests of the parties within their respective spheres. This system is too new for its workings to be as yet fairly criticised. It may prove a really popular system, or it may prove only an inchoate form of the other systems. At present it can only be said that the first primaries under it were participated in by 27,000 electors.

which is enjoyed by the employes of a corporation or a private business house, or during the continuance of efficiency or good behaviour, would abolish or greatly dininish the evils of the caucus system by depriving public officers of the illegitimate incentive to maintain it under which they now act. Other more speculative remedies "The evils of the caucus and primary have been suggested. It is proposed, on election systems lie in the stringent obliga- the one hand, to very greatly diminish the tion which is attached to the will of a for- number of elective officers, and, in order to mal majority; in the fact that the process do away with the pre-determination of elecof ascertaining what the will of the major- tions, to restrict the political action of the ity is, has been surrounded with so many people in their own persons to districts so restrictions that the actual majority of votes small that they can meet together and act are disfranchised, and take no part in that as one body, and that in all other affairs process, so that the formal majority is in than those of these small districts the consequence no longer the majority in fact, people should act by delegates. The thealthough it continues to demand recogni-ory here seems to be to get rid of the netion of its decisions as such. cessity for election and nominating ma"The separation between the organiza-chinery. (See A True Republic,' by Altion and the party, between those who no- bert Strickney, New York, 1879; and a seminate and those who elect, is the sum of ries of articles in Scribner's Monthly for the evils of the too highly organized cau- 1881, by the same writer). On the other cus system. It has its roots in the notion hand, it is proposed to greatly increase the that the majority is right, because it is the number of elections, by taking the whole majority, which is the popular view thus primary system under the protection of the expressed by Hammond: 'I think that law.* This plan proposes: 1. The direct when political friends consent to go into nomination of candidates by the members caucus for the nomination of officers, every of the respective political parties in place member of such caucus is bound in honor of nominations by delegates in conventions. to support and carry into effect its deter- 2. To apply the election laws to primary mination. If you suspect that determina- elections. 3. To provide that both politition will be so preposterous that you can-cal parties shall participate in the same not in conscience support it, then you ought primary election instead of having a differon no account to become one of its mem- ent caucus for each party. 4. To provide bers. To try your chance in a caucus, and for a final election to be held between two then, because your wishes are not gratified, candidates, each representative of a party to attempt to defeat the result of the deliberation of your friends, strikes me as a This was partially done by the Legislature of palpable violation of honor and good faith. | Pennsylvania in 1881..

Hope and fear alternated from day to day, amid the most painful excitement. On the 8th of August Drs. Agnew and Hamilton had to perform their second operation to allow a free flow of pus from the wound. This resulted in an important discovery. It was ascertained that the track of the bullet had turned from its downward deflection to a forward course. The operation lasted an hour, and ether was administered, the effect of which was very unfortunate. Nausea succeeded, and vomiting followed every effort to administer nourishment for some time. However, he soon rallied, and the operation was pronounced successful, and, on the following day, the President, for the first time, wrote his name. On the 10th he signed an important extradition paper, and on the 11th wrote a letter of hopefulness to his aged mother. On the 12th Dr. Hamilton expressed the opinion that the further attendance of himself and Dr. Agnew was The stomach continued weak, however, and on the 15th nausea returned, and the most menacing physical prostration followed the frequent vomiting, and the evening bulletin announced that "the President's condition, on the whole, is less satisfactory."

unnecessary.

Next a new complication forced itself upon the attention of the physicians. This was described as "inflammation of the right parotid gland." On August 24th it was decided to make an incision below and forward of the right ear, in order to prevent suppuration. Though this tion was pronounced satisfactory, the tient gradually sank, until August 25th, when all hope seemed to have left those in attendance.

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improvement was not enduring, however, and on Saturday, September 17th, the rigor returned. During the nights and days succeeding, until the final moment, hope rose and fell alternately, and though the patient's spirits fluctuated to justify this change of feeling, the improvement failed to bring with it the strength necessary to meet the strain.

President Garfield died at 10.35 on the night of Sept. 19th, 1881, and our nation mourned, as it had only done once before, when Abraham Lincoln also fell by the hand of an assassin. The assassin Guiteau was tried and convicted, the jury rejecting his plea of insanity.

President Arthur.

Vice-President Arthur, during the long illness of the President, and at the time of his death, deported himself so well that he won the good opinion of nearly all classes of the people, and happily for weeks and months all factious or partisan spirit was hushed by the nation's great calamity. At midnight on the 19th of September the Cabinet telegraphed him from Long Branch to take the oath of office, and this he very properly did before a local judge. The Government cannot wisely be left without a head for a single day. He was soon afterwards again sworn in at Washington, with the usual ceremonies, and took occasion to make a speech which improved the growing better feeling. The new President requested the Cabinet to hold on until Congress met, and it would have remained intact had Secretary Windom not found it necessary to resume his place in the Senate. The vacancy was offered to ex-Governor Morgan, of New York, who was actually nominated and confirmed before he made up his mind to decline it. Judge Folger now fills the place. The several changes since made will be found in the Tabulated History, Book VII.

It has thus far been the effort of Presi

dent Arthur to allay whatever of factious bitterness remains in the Republican party. In his own State of New York the terms

Half-Breed" and "Stalwart" are passing into comparative disuse, as are the terms "Regulars" and "Independents"

Two days of a dreary watch ensued; on the 27th an improvement inspired new hope. This continued throughout the week, but failed to build up the system. Then it was determined to remove the patient to a more favorable atmosphere. On the 6th of September this design was executed, he having been conveyed in a car arranged for the purpose to Long Branch, where, in a cottage at Elberon, it was hoped vigor would return. At first, indications justified the most sanguine expectations. On the 9th, however, fever returned, and a cough came to harass the wasted sufferer. It was attended with in Pennsylvania. purulent expectoration, and became so troublesome as to entitle it to be regarded as the leading feature of the case. The surgeons attributed it to the septic condition of the blood. The trouble increased until Saturday, September 10th, when it was thought the end was reached. He rallied, however, and improved rapidly, during the succeeding few days, and on Tuesday, the 13th, was lifted from the bed and placed in a chair at the window. The

"Boss Rule.”

The complaint of "Boss Rule" in these States-by which is meant the control of certain leaders-still obtains to some extent. Wayne MacVeagh was the author of this very telling political epithet, and he used it with rare force in his street speeches at Chicago when opposing the nomination of Grant. It was still further cultivated

by Rufus E. Shapley, Esq,, of Philadel-party to "bosses." Our chosen leader, the phia, the author of "Solid for Mulhooly, late President Garfield, fell a martyr in his a most admirable political satire, which contest with the "bosses." We take up had an immense sale. Its many hits were the struggle where he left it, and we hereby freely quoted by the Reformers of Phila- declare that we will own no allegiance to delphia, who organized under the Com- any "boss," nor be subservient to any mittee of One Hundred, a body of mer-"machine;" but that we will do our utchants who first banded themselves most to liberate the party from the "boss" together to promote reforms in the munici- domination under which it has fallen. pal government. This organization, aided V. Recognizing that political parties by the Democrats, defeated Mayor Wm. are simply instrumentalities for the enS. Stokley for his third term, electing Mr. forcement of certain recognized principles, King, theretofore a very popular Demo- we shall endeavor to promote the principles cratic councilman. In return for this sup- of the Republican party by means of that port, the Democrats accepted John Hun-party, disenthralled and released from the ter, Committee's nominee for Tax Receiver, domination of its "bosses." But should and the combination succeeded. In the we fail in this, we shall have no hesitation fall of 1881 it failed on the city ticket, but in seeking to advance the principles of the in the spring of 1882 secured material suc- party through movements and organizacesses in the election of Councilmen, who tions outside of the party lines. were nominees of both parties, but aided by the endorsement of the Committee of One Hundred. A similar combination failed as between Brown (Rep.) and Eisenbrown (Dem.) for Magistrate. On this part of the ticket the entire city voted, and the regular Republicans won by about 500 majority.

The idea of the Committee of One Hundred is to war against "boss rule" in municipal affairs. James McManes has long enjoyed the leadership of the Republican party in Philadelphia, and the reform element has directed its force against his power as a leader, though he joined at Chicago in the MacVeagh war against the The following is the declaration of prin- form of "boss rule," which was then diciples of the Citizens' Republican Associ-rected against Grant, Conkling, Logan and ation of Philadelphia, which, under the banner of Mr. Wolfe, extended its organization to several counties:

I. We adhere to the platform of the National Convention of the Republican party, adopted at Chicago, June 2d, 1880, and we proclaim our unswerving allegiance to the great principles upon which that party was founded, to wit: national supremacy, universal liberty, and governmental probity.

Cameron. This episode has really little, if anything, to do with Federal politics, but the facts are briefly recited with a view to explain to the reader the leading force which supported Mr. Wolfe in his independent race in Pennsylvania. Summed up, it is simply one of those local wars against leadership which precede and follow factions.

His

The factious battles in the Republican party, as we have stated, seem to have II. The Republican party, during its spent their force. The assassination of glorious career, having virtually estab- President Garfield gave them a most serilished its principles of national supremacy ous check, for men were then compelled to and universal liberty as the law of the look back and acknowledge that his plain land, we shall, while keeping a vigilant purpose was to check divisions and heal watch over the maintenance of those prin- wounds. Only haste and anger assailed, ciples, regard the third one, viz.: govern- and doubtless as quickly regretted the asmental probity, as the living issue to be sault. President Arthur, with commendstruggled for in the future; and as the able reticence and discretion, is believed pure administration of government is es- to be seeking the same end. He has made sential to the permanence of Republican few changes, and these reluctantly. institutions, we consider this issue as in no nomination of ex-Senator Conkling to a way inferior in importance to any other. seat in the Supreme Bench, which, though III. The only practical method of re-declined, is generally accepted as an assustoring purity to administration is through rance to New Yorkers that the leader the adoption of a system of civil service, hated by one side and loved by the other, under which public officials shall not be should be removed from partisan politics the tools of any man or of any clique, sub-peculiar to his own State, but removed ject to dismissal at their behest, or to as- with the dignity and honor becoming his sessment in their service; nor appoint-high abilities. It has ever been the policy ment to office be "patronage" at the of wise administrations, as with wise genedisposal of any man to conso" 'ate his power within the party.

IV. It is the abuse of this appointing power which has led to the formation of the "machine," and the subjection of the

rals, to care for the wounded, and Conkling was surely and sorely wounded in his battle against the confirmation of Robertson and his attempted re-election to the Senate. He accepted the situation with

quiet composure, and saw his friend Ar- | National laws touching their civil rights. thur unite the ranks which his resignation The Legislature was won, and on the 16th had sundered. After this there remained of December, 1880, Gen'l Mahone was little if any cause for further quarrel, and elected to the U. S. Senate to succeed Senwhile in writing history it is dangerous to ator Withers, whose term expired March attempt a prophecy, the writer believes 4, 1881. that President Arthur will succeed in keeping his party, if not fully united, at least as compact as the opposing Democra

tic forces.

The Readjusters.

complexion of the Legislature was not changed. Prior to the Presidential nominations Mahone's Readjuster Convention had signified their willingness to support Gen'l Grant if he should be nominated at Chicago, and this fact was widely quoted by his friends in their advocacy of Grant's nomination, and in descanting upon his ability to carry Southern States.

In the Presidential campaign of 1880, the Readjusters supported Gen'l Hancock, but on a separate electoral ticket, while the Republicans supported Garfield on an electoral ticket of their own selection. This division was pursuant to an understanding, and at the time thought adviThis party was founded in 1878 by Gen'l sable by Mahone, who, if his electors won, William Mahone, a noted Brigadier in could go for Hancock or not, as circumthe rebel army. He is of Scotch-Irish de- stances might suggest; while if he failed scent, a man of very small stature but the Republicans might profit by the sepamost remarkable energy, and acquired ration. There was, however, a third horn wealth in the construction and develop- to this dilemma, for the regular Democratic ment of Southern railroads. He sounded electors were chosen, but the political the first note of revolt against what he styled the Bourbon rule of Virginia, and being classed as a Democrat, rapidly divided that party on the question of the Virginia debt. His enemies charge that he sought the repudiation of this debt, but in return he not only denied the charge, but said the Bourbons were actually repudiating it by making no provision for its payment, either in appropriations or the levying of taxes needed for the purpose. Doubtless his views on this question have undergone some modification, and that earlier in the struggle the uglier criticisms were partially correct. Certain it is that he and his friends now advocate full payment less the proportion equitably assigned to West Virginia, which separated from the parent State during the war, and in her constitution evaded her responsibility by declaring that the State. should never contract a debt except one created to resist invasion or in a war for the government. This fact shows how keenly alive the West Virginians were to a claim which could very justly be pressed in the event of Virginia being restored to the Union, and this claim Gen'l Mahone has persistently pressed, and latterly urged a funding of the debt of his State at a 3 per cent. rate, on the ground that the State is unable to pay more and that this is in accord with proper rates of interest on the bonds of State governments-a view not altogether fair or sound, since it leaves the creditors powerless to do otherwise than accept. The regular or Bourbon Democrats proclaimed in favor of full payment, and in this respect differed from their party associates as to ante-war debts in most other Southern States.

Gen. Mahone rapidly organized his revolt, and as the Republican party was then in a hopeless minority in Virginia, publicly invited an alliance by the passage of a platform which advocated free schools for the blacks and a full enforcement of the

The Readjuster movement at first had no other than local designs, but about the time of its organization thefe was a great desire on the part of the leading Republicans to break the "Solid South," and every possible expedient to that end was suggested. It was solid for the Democratic party, and standing thus could with the aid of New York, Indiana and New Jersey (them all Democratic States) assure the election of a Democratic President.

One of the favorite objects of President Hayes was to break the "Solid South." He first obtained it by conciliatory speeches, which were so conciliatory in fact that they angered radical Republicans, and there were thus threatened division in unexpected quarters. He next tried it through Gen'l Key, whom he made Postmaster General in the hope that he could resurrect and reorganize the old Whig elements of the South. Key was to attend to Southern postal patronage with this end in view, while Mr. Tener, his able First Assistant, was to distribute Northern or Republican patronage. So far as dividing the South was concerned, the scheme was a flat failure.

The next and most quiet and effectual effort was made by Gen'l Simon Cameron, Ex-Senator from Pennsylvania. He started on a brief Southern tour, ostensibly for health and enjoyment, but really to meet Gen'l Mahone, his leading Readjuster friends, and the leading Republicans. Conferences were held, and the union of the two forces was made to embrace National objects. This was in the Fall of 1879.