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of voters whose views were thus reflected. | all branches of religious Germans-CathoThe organization was secret, but the brew- lics, Lutherans, Mennonites, Dunkards, etc. ers, maltsters, and wholesale dealers who and called forth the protests of nearly all created it, opened State headquarters and of the pulpits. The fact that in Philadellikewise established a State headquarters phia and Allegheny the brewers and wholefor the Leagues. Much the same plan was sale dealers, just as they do in the great cities adopted in Pittsburg and great boasts were of New York, own nearly all of the saloons made that it would be extended to all the drinking places without accommodations towns and cities of the State. From the first combinations were made by the Democratic city committees, the State Committee giving them a friendly wink.

for strangers and travellers-and that their battle was for the saloon in competition with the hotel, inn or tavern, divided the liquor interests and induced all who favored the High License bill, partially framed to protect this class, to support the Republican party. So true was this that a resolution before the Convention of the State Liquor League indorsing high license save a few vexatious features, came so near passing that the saloon keepers subsequently established a separate organization.

This work was allowed to go on for a full month, the Republican State Committee, and the Republican city committees as well, giving such careful investigation to the facts that every charge could be proven. Then it was that the State Address was issued, wherein all the leading facts were given and each and every challenge accepted. The Republican party thus publicly renewed its The battle at no time and in no place pledge to cast the second and final legisla- took shape for prohibition beyond that tive vote for submission to the people the sense of fair play which suggests submission prohibitory amendment for the mainten- to a vote of the people any question which ance of high license, and just as unequivo- a law-abiding and respectable number desire cally pledged the maintenance of the Sunday laws assailed by the Personal Liberty Leagues.

The effect was to group in a solid and an aggressive mass of good citizens all who believed that the people should not be denied the right to make their own laws upon liquor as upon other questions; all who valued a high license which, while general, placed the higher charges upon the cities, and which gave three and four-fifths of all the revenues to the city and county treasuries, and as well all who believed in maintaining an American Sabbath.

The grouping of these three positions proved more powerful than the quarter of a million dollars supplied the combination by the brewing and wholesale liquor interests; more powerful than the hundreds of social and singing societies supposed to be grouped with the Democratic liquor combination; more powerful than all of the combined elements of disorder planted by the side of the Democracy.

It was a royal battle, fought out in the open day! Indeed, the Republican address compelled publicity and made a secret battle thereafter impossible. Every effort at continued secrecy was immediately exposed by the Republican State Committee and the leading daily Republican journals, and every country paper bristled with these exposures. In very desperation the combination became more and more public as the canvass advanced. It was shown that the Personal Liberty Leagues were under the direction of the Socialists, and this arrayed against them all of the Israelites in the State besides thousands of other law-abiding citi zens; the demand for the repeal of the Sunday laws compelled the opposition of

to vote upon. The battle was almost distinctly for and against the Sunday laws and for and against high license, and the Republicans everywhere gave unequivocal support to these measures. In Allegheny, shocked the year before by the sudden raid of the brewers, some of the leading politicians for a time feared to face the issues as presented by the Republican State Committee, and really forced upon them by the Democratic liquor combination, but an eloquent Presbyterian divine sounded from his pulpit the slogan, a great Catholic priest followed, the Catholic Temperance Union and the T. A. B.'s, not committed to prohibition, but publicly committed to high license, passed resolutions denouncing the combination. Some of the assemblies of the Knights of Labor followed, and in open battle the Republicans of Allegheny accepted the issue and the challenge and were rewarded for their courage by a gain of 1,200 just where brewing and distillery interests are strongest. The Democratic liquor combination did not show a gain over their Gubernatorial majorities in a single German county except Northampton, where a citizens' local movement by its sharp antagonism drew out the full Democratic vote for their State ticket. The combination, with all of the power of money, with the entire saloon interests, with the Personal Liberty Leagues, called from the Republican ranks in the entire State not over 12.000 votes, of which 6,000 were in Philadelphia and 4,000 in Allegheny. These were more than made up by 15,000 out of 32,000 Prohibitionists who returned to the Republican party, and by 5,000 Democrats who joined the Republican column. Given more time, and with the issues as universally acknowledged by all parties as they

have been since the election, far more Pro- | To this should be added the defeat of hibitionists would have returned and more prohibition in Atlanta and Fulton counties, Democrats would have voted the Republican Ga., by 1122 majority, where it had won ticket. As it was, the Prohibition vote cast two years before by 228 majority. The inwas about equally divided between the terest shown in local option and high license Democrats and Republicans; there was as a solution of the temperance question, probably more Democrats than Republi- and its popularity wherever adopted, is also cans. In 1886 the 32,000 Prohibitionists a marked feature of the year's politics. In comprised 24,000 Republicans and 8000 Michigan local option succeeded the failure Democrats. All of the latter remained and of prohibition, while in Pennsylvania the were reinforced in nearly every quarter. people are promised a choice between high There had always been from 5,000 to 6,000 license and prohibition. third party Prohibitionists.

The elections of 1887 as a whole, without If the Republicans had not bravely faced removing doubts as to the future, were genthe issues thus forced upon them they erally accepted as favorable to the Repubwould have lost the State, for the Demo- licans. The following is a fair comparison cratic liquor combination polled 15,000 votes with Rhode Island omitted, for the plain more than the Republican candidate-Col- reason that her spring result was reversed onel Quay, an exceptionally strong man- in the fall: had received in 1885; but the bravery of the Republicans and the fact that their attitude was right called out 60,000 more votes than the party cast in '85, and in this way increased its majority despite all combinations.

These are the leading facts in the most novel of all the campaigns known to Pennsylvania's history. The situation was much the same in New York.

The total vote for State Treasurer was:

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Mass.....

1883.

1887.

Rep. Dem. Rep. Dem. 160,092 150,228 136,000 118,394

New York.. 429,757
New Jersey 97,047
Penna...... 319,106
Maryland.. 80,707

445,976 452,435 469,886 103,856 107,026 104,407 302,031 385,514 340,269

92,694 86,644 98,936 Ohio 347,164 359,793 356,937 333,205 Kentucky.. 89,181 133,615 126,476 143,270 Iowa.. 164,182 139,093 168,696 152,886 Nebraska.. 56,381 41,998 86,725 56,548 Virginia... 144,419 124,080 119,380 119,806

Totals......1,888,036 1,893,364 2,025,833 1,937,607
Democratic majority in 1883.................. 5,328
Republican majority in 1887.................. 88,226
Gain in the Dem. vote in four years........ 44,243
Gain in the Rep. vote in four years......... 137,797

The vote in Rhode Island would probably reduce the Republican gain of the year about 5000. But as the figures for Virginia are disputed and not the official vote, which it is known would add several thousand to the Republican total, the above result can be taken as a just estimate of the gain made by the Republicans in these eleven states, where general elections were held. It would be at least 25,000 larger if the vote of the highest candidate, instead of the head of the ticket, were taken.

OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888.

THE fiftieth Congress convened in De- that the exaction of more than this is indecember, 1887, the Senate consisting of 38 fensible extortion, and a culpable betrayal Republicans. 37 Democrats, and 1 Read- of American fairness and justice. This juster, Mr. Riddleberger, of Virginia. In wrong inflicted upon those who bear the the House there were 168 Democrats, 153 burden of national taxation, like other Republicans, and 4 Independents-Ander- wrongs, multiplies a brood of evil conseson, of Iowa and Hopkins, of Virginia, quences. The public treasury, which should classed with the Democrats, and Smith of only exist as a conduit conveying the people's Wisconsin and Nichols of North Carolina, tribute to its legitimate objects of expendiclassed with the Republicans upon tariff ture, becomes a hoarding-place for money and educational subjects-two questions needlessly withdrawn from trade and the which in the form of Revenue measures people's use, thus crippling our national and of the Blair educational bill, gave early energies, suspending our country's developpromise of becoming the issues for the ment, preventing investment in productive campaign of 1888. enterprise, threatening financial disturbance, and inviting schemes of public plunder.

Upon the assembling of the fiftieth Congress President Cleveland, instead of sending the usual message describing the condition of the Nation and its relations with foreign nations, together with such recommendations as he desired to make, sent simply a message upon questions of revenue, and in this way gave the subject such emphasis as to make his views the issue in the campaign to follow. The message excited wide and varied political comment, and when Mr. Blaine, who at the time was in Paris, permitted an answer to be wired to the New York Tribune, the two opposing views seemed to meet the wishes of the two great opposing parties, and they were at once accepted as defining the tendencies of each party, at least, upon tariff and revenue subjects.

As these two papers will prove the text for much of the discussion incident to the campaign of 1888, we give below their

text:

President Cleveland's Message.

To the Congress of the United States:

You are confronted at the threshold of your legislative duties with a condition of the national finances which imperatively demands immediate and careful consideration.

The amount of money annually exacted, through the operation of the present laws, from the industries and necessities of the people, largely exceeds the sum necessary to meet the expenses of the government.

When we consider that the theory of our institutions guarantees to every citizen the full enjoyment of all the fruits of his industry and enterprise, with only such deduction as may be his share towards the careful and economical maintenance of the government which protects him, it is plain

This condition of our treasury is not altogether new; and it has more than once of late been submitted to the people's representatives in the Congress, who alone can apply a remedy. And yet the situation still continues, with aggravated incidents, more than ever presaging financial convulsion and widespread disaster.

It will not do to neglect this situation because its dangers are not now palpably imminent and apparent. They exist none the less certainly, and await the unforeseen and unexpected occasion when suddenly they will be precipitated upon us.

On the 30th day of June, 1885, the excess of revenues over public expenditures after complying with the annual requirement of the sinking-fund act, was $17.859,735 84; during the year ended June 30, 1886, such excess amounted to $49,405,545.20; and during the year ended June 30, 1887, it reached the sum of $55,567,849.54.

The annual contributions to the sinkingfund during the three years above specified, amounting in the aggregate to $138,058,320.94, and deducted from the surplus as stated, were made by calling in for that purpose outstanding three per cent. bonds of the government. During the six months prior to June 30, 1887, the surplus revenue had grown so large by repeated accumulations, and it was feared the withdrawal of this great sum of money needed by the people would so affect the business of the country that the sum of $79.864,100 of such surplus was applied to the payment of the principal and interest of the three per cent. bonds still outstanding, and which were then payable at the option of the government. The precarious condition of financial affairs among the people still need

bution to the sinking fund which furnishes the occasion for expenditure in the purchase of bonds has been already made for the current year, so that there is no outlet in that direction.

In the present state of legislation the only pretence of any existing executive power to restore, at this time, any part of our surplus revenues to the people by its expenditure, consists in the supposition that the Secre

ing_relief, immediately after the 30th day of June, 1887, the remainder of the three per cent. bonds then outstanding, amount ing with principal and interest to the sum of $18,877,500, were called in and applied to the sinking-fund contribution for the current fiscal year. Notwithstanding these operations of the Treasury Department, representations of distress in business circles not only continued but increased, and absolute peril seemed at hand. In these circum-tary of the Treasury may enter the market stances the contribution to the sinking fund and purchase the bonds of the government for the current fiscal year was at once com- not yet due, at a rate of premium to be pleted by the expenditure of $27,684,283.55 agreed upon. The only provision of law in the purchase of government bonds not from which such a power could be derived yet due bearing four and four and a half is found in an appropriation bill passed a per cent. interest, the premium paid thereon number of years ago; and it is subject to averaging about twenty-four per cent. for the suspicion that it was intended as temthe former and eight per cent. for the latter.porary and limited in its application, inIn addition to this, the interest accruing stead of conferring a continuing discretion during the current year upon the outstand- and authority. No condition ought to ing bonded indebtedness of the government was to some extent anticipated, and banks selected as depositories of public money were permitted to somewhat increase their deposits.

exist which would justify the grant of power to a single official, upon his judgment of its necessity, to withhold from or release to the business of the people, in an unusual manner. money held in the TreasWhile the expedients thus employed, to ury, and thus affect, at his will, the financial release to the people the money lying idle situation of the country; and if it is deemed in the Treasury, served to avert immediate wise to lodge in the Secretary of the Treasdanger, our surplus revenues have continued ury the authority in the present juncture to to accumulate, the excess for the present purchase bonds, it should be plainly vested, year amounting on the 1st day of December and provided, as far as possible, with to $55,258,701.19, and estimated to reach such checks and limitations as will define the sum of $113,000,000 on the 30th of this official's right and discretion, and at June next, at which date it is expected that the same time relieve him from undue this sum, added to prior accumulations, responsibility. will swell the surplus in the Treasury to $140,000,000.

There seems to be no assurance that, with such a withdrawal from use of the people's circulating medium, our business community may not in the near future be subjected to the same distress which was quite lately produced from the same cause. And while the functions of our National Treasury should be few and simple, and while its best condition would be reached, I believe, by its entire disconnection with private business interests, yet when, by a perversion of its purposes, it idly holds money uselessly subtracted from the channels of trade, there seems to be reason for the claim that some legitimate means should be devised by the government to restore in an emergency, without waste or extravagance, such money to its place among the people.

If such an emergency arises there now exists no clear and undoubted executive power of relief. Heretofore the redemption of three per cent. bonds, which were payable at the option of the government, has afforded a means for the disbursement of the excess of our revenues; but these bonds have been all retired, and there are no bonds outstanding the payment of which we have the right to insist upon. The contri

In considering the question of purchasing bonds as a means of restoring to circulation the surplus money accumulating in the Treasury, it should be borne in mind that premiums must of course be paid upon such purchase, that there may be a large part of these bonds held as investments which cannot be purchased at any price, and that combinations among holders who are willing to sell may unreasonably enhance the cost of such bonds to the government.

It has been suggested that the present bonded debt might be refunded at a less rate of interest, and the difference between the old and new security paid in cash, thus finding use for the surplus in the Treasury. The success of this plan, it is apparent, must depend upon the volition of the holders of the present bonds; and it is not entirely certain that the inducement which must be offered them would result in more financial benefit to the Government than the purchase of bonds, while the latter proposition would reduce the principal of the debt by actual payment, instead of extending it.

The proposition to deposit the money held by the Government in banks throughout the country, for use by the people, is, it seems to me, exceedingly objectionable in principle, as establishing too close a rela

tionship between the operations of the Government Treasury and the business of the country, and too extensive a commingling of their money, thus fostering an unnatural reliance in private business upon public funds. If this scheme should be adopted it should only be done as a temporary expedient to meet an urgent necessity. Legislative and executive effort should generally be in the opposite direction and should have a tendency to divorce, as much and as fast as can safely be done, the Treasury Department from private enterprise.

Of course it is not expected that unnecessary and extravagant appropriations will be made for the purpose of avoiding the accumulation of an excess of revenue. Such expenditure, beside the demoralization of all just conceptions of public duty which it entails, stimulates a habit of reckless improvidence not in the least consistent with the mission of our people or the high and beneficent purposes of our government. I have deemed it my duty to thus bring to the knowledge of my countrymen, as well as to the attention of their representatives charged with the responsibility of legislative relief, the gravity of our financial situation. The failure of the Congress heretofore to provide against the dangers which it was quite evident the very nature of the difficulty must necessarily produce, caused a condition of financial distress and apprehension since your last adjournment, which taxed to the utmost all the authority and expedients within executive control; and these appear now to be exhausted. If disaster results from the continued inaction of Congress, the responsibility must rest where it belongs.

Though the situation thus far considered is fraught with danger which should be fully realized, and though it presents features of wrong to the people as well as peril to the country, it is but a result growing out of a perfectly palpable and apparent cause, constantly reproducing the same alarming circumstances a congested national treasury and a depleted monetary condition in the business of the country. It need hardly be stated that while the present situation demands a remedy, we can only be saved from a like predicament in the future by the removal of its cause.

Our scheme of taxation, by means of which this needless surplus is taken from the people and put into the public treasury, consists of a tariff or duty levied upon importations from abroad, and internal revenue taxes levied upon the consumption of tobacco and spirituous and malt liquors. It must be conceded that none of the things subjected to internal revenue taxation are, strictly speaking, necessaries; there appears to be no just complaint of this taxation by

the consumers of these articles, and there seems to be nothing so well able to bear the burden without hardship to any portion of the people.

But our present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable and illogical source of unnecessary taxation, ought to be at once revised and amended. These laws, as their primary and plain effect, raise the price to consumers of all articles imported and subject to duty, by precisely the sum paid for such duties. Thus the amount of the duty measures the tax paid by those who purchase for use these imported articles. Many of these things, however, are raised or manufactured in our own country, and the duties now levied upon foreign goods and products are called protection to these home manufactures, because they render it possible for those of our people who are manufacturers, to make these taxed articles and sell them for a price equal to that demanded for the imported goods that have paid customs duty. So it happens that while comparatively a few use the imported articles, millions of our people, who never use and never saw any of the foreign products, purchase and use things of the same kind made in this country, and pay therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the duty adds to the imported articles. Those who buy imports pay the duty charged thereon into the public treasury, but the great majority of our citizens, who buy domestic articles of the same class, pay a sum at least approximately equal to this duty to the home manufacturer. This reference to the operation of our tariff laws is not made by way of instruction, but in order that we may be constantly reminded of the manner in which they impose a burden upon those who consume domestic products as well as those who consume imported articles, and thus create a tax upon all our people.

It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of this taxation. It must be extensively continued as the source of the government's income; and in a readjustment of our tariff the interests of American labor engaged in manufacture should be carefully considered, as well as the preservation of our manufacturers. It may be called protection, or by any other name, but relief from the hardships and dangers of our present tariff laws should be devised with especial precaution against imperilling the existence of our manufacturing interests. But this existence should not mean a condition which, without regard to the public welfare or a national exigency, must always insure the realization of immense profits instead of moderately profitable returns. As the volume and diversity of our national activities increase, new recuits are added to those who desire a continuation of the advantages which they conceive the present

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