The provisions forbidding a State from emitting bills of credit, passing any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, are a restriction that sovereign nations would never have submitted to.

When a foreigner becomes a citizen, he abjures his allegiance to his native country, and the oath he takes is before a United States officer to the United States, not to the State in which he is naturalized. Finally, by the Constitution the President is made the commander-inchief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States. While an oath or affirmation is required of every Senator or Representative, of every executive and judicial officer of the United States and of every State, to support the Constitution, the President alone-the one having the supreme military power over all forces on land or sea-must swear or affirm that he will faithfully execute the office, and "to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States"; not to keep from encroachment upon the rights of the States, but to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution. Can it be said that it is not to be preserved over its citizens and States that are in arms to subvert or resist its laws and supremacy?

Jefferson, in the time of the Confederacy, when the States were neglecting to pay the requisitions made of them, recommended that

the Continental Congress should show its teeth and send a frigate into the ports of a delinquent State; but the new Constitution intended to draw the teeth of the States by prohibiting them from keeping troops or ships of war; and it reserved to the national government the right" to raise and support armies"; "to provide and maintain a navy"; and gave it the power of "calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrection, and repel invasion." Thus the Constitution added to the supremacy of the new government the power to enforce it, and took from the States the power, as far as it could consistently with freedom, of resistance.

The government of the Confederacy depended upon the several State governments, their soldiers, and their contributions; it had no direct control over the people; from the failure of the State government to make the required contributions and enforce its decrees it was fast falling into total inefficacy. We have shown that the new government, established by the people of each State over themselves and the people of the other States, had by its Constitution all the powers necessary for a national government, and State governments were prohibited from the exercise of conflicting powers; that waging war against that government was treason, thus affirming that they, the people of each State who established it, owed allegiance and were subjects of the government; they, the people,

also declared in the Constitution, that the judiciary of their general government should have authority over every case and question arising under its laws and acts; further, they gave that judiciary and the government the power to enforce their laws and the authority over every individual in its domain; and finally they expressly declared the supremacy of the govern

ment and its laws over all State laws and State constitutions.

The departments of the government established by the Constitution are three in number: the Legislative (Congress), to make the laws and to pass the acts for the carrying it on; the Executive (the President and the officers under him), to administer it, to carry into effect its laws and acts, and represent it in its dealings with other countries; and thirdly the Judiciary, to decide upon all controversies arising under the laws and acts of the government.

A department, however, in some instances has an authority in the others; the President, the chief executive officer, has the right of veto, and his principal appointments, especially those of the judiciary and foreign ministers, are subject to the approval of the Senate.

The power of the United States Judiciary Department to pass upon the constitutionality or validity of laws made by the Legislature, is one unknown to the unlimited imperial power of the Parliament of Great Britain, and has been. a source of perplexity to the writers and legis

lators of that country, and of question recently in the House of Commons. The question cannot arise and never comes before the judiciary of that government, whether a law is within the parliamentary power. With us, however, the question often arises, and the judiciary decides whenever question is made as to whether a law is within the powers granted by the Constitution. In all our States the State judiciary has the same power to decide on the constitutionality of the laws and acts of the State government.

This system of giving the judiciary the right to define the extent of the powers of the government has with us met with almost universal approval.

CHAPTER III.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION INTENDED

NATIONALITY.

LET us now retrace our steps and see what took place in the convention that made the Constitution, and what those that made it intended. Fortunately we have the journals of the convention that framed the Constitution; the minutes, until he left, of Mr. Yates, a delegate from the State of New York; and Madison's full and careful report of all the proceedings, debates, and votes. From these sources we shall see that the makers intended, and that they considered they had made, a perpetual, consolidated, National Government.

The convention was called to amend the articles of the confederacy, and to it were sent most of the distinguished men of the country. The State of Virginia took an early and important part in the formation of the new government. Before the meeting of the convention, Madison wrote to Edmund Randolph, one of the delegates, that it would be well for him to prepare some propositions from Virginia, he in his letter suggesting what they should be. Imme