Geft of Copyright, 1914, by AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE All rights reserved EUROPEAN AGENTS ENGLAND: P. S. King & Son, 2 Great Smith St., Westminster, London, S. W. FRANCE: L. Larose, Rue Soufflot, 22, Paris. GERMANY: Mayer & Müller, 2 Prinz Louis Ferdinandstrasse, Berlin, N. W. ITALY: Giornale Degli Economisti, via Monte Savello, Palazzo Orsini, Rome. SPAIN: E. Dossat, 9 Plaza de Santa Ana, Madrid. CONTENTS PART I-THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT CHANGED IDEALS AND STATUS OF THE FAMILY AND THE George Elliott Howard, Ph.D., Professor of Political Science and CIVIC ACTIVITIES OF WOMEN'S CLUBS... Mary I. Wood, Manager, Bureau of Information, General Federation PART II-PUBLIC ACTIVITIES OF WOMEN THE LEGISLATIVE INFLUENCE OF UNENFRANCHISED WOMEN 54 Mary R. Beard, Secretary, Legislative Committee, Women's Trade EQUAL SUFFRAGE—A PROBLEM OF POLITICAL JUSTICE...... Anna Howard Shaw, President, National American Woman Suffrage WOMAN SUFFRAGE OPPOSED TO WOMAN'S RIGHTS.... Mrs. Arthur M. Dodge, President, National Association Opposed THE EVOLUTION OF A NEW WOMAN.. Simon N. Patten, Ph.D., Professor of Political Economy, University THE SOCIALIZING INFLUENCE OF THE BALLOT UPON WOMEN. 105 Emilie J. Hutchinson, Instructor in Economics, Barnard College, THE MILITANT SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. Mary Winsor, Chairman of the Pennsylvania Congressional Com- WOMAN SUFFRAGE AND THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC.. Ella Seass Stewart, Ex-President, Illinois Equal Suffrage Associa- tion, and former Secretary, National American Woman Suffrage INDEX.... 93 THE LARGER ASPECTS OF THE WOMAN'S MOVEMENT BY JANE ADDAMS, President, Hull-House Association, Chicago. Perhaps no presentation of history is so difficult as that which treats of the growth of a new consciousness; but assuming that the historic review, now so universal in the field of social judgment and investigation, is applicable to any current development, I have ventured to apply it to that disturbing manifestation called the "votes-for-women" movement, which at the present moment is not only the centre of hot debate but, unhappily, also of conduct which in the minds of many is most unseemly. Because I shall need the indulgence of the reader who may kindly follow this review, I will at once recall to his mind the statement of an ironic Englishman that it would be better to be convicted of petty larceny than to be found wanting in historic mindedness. To begin then with the world-wide aspect of the votes-for-women movement—that there may be nothing more petty about us than the theme itself imposes-it is possible to make certain classifications of underlying trends, which, while not always clear, and sometimes overlapping, are yet international in their manifestations. First: the movement is obviously a part of that evolutionary conception of self-government which has been slowly developing through the centuries. For the simple reason that self-government must ever be built up anew in relation to changing experiences, its history is largely a record of new human interests which have become the object of governmental action, and of the incorporation into the body politic of the classes representing those interests. As the governing classes have been enlarged by the enfranchisement of one body of men after another, government itself has not only become enriched through new human interests, but at the same time it has become further democratized through the accession of the new classes representing those interests. The two propositions are complementary. When the middle classes in every country in Europe struggled to wrest governmental power from the exclusive grasp of the nobles, |