Public Opinion and American Foreign PolicyUniversity of Michigan Press, 1996 - 257 страница One of the central issues in democratic theory is the proper role of public opinion in the conduct of international affairs. The capacity of the public to make informed judgments about these complex issues which are often far removed from their experience has been questioned. In addition, the impact of public opinion on foreign policy-making has been debated. In Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy Ole Holsti addresses these crucial issues using extensive data on public attitudes and preferences on international affairs. Holsti concludes that although the American public is not well informed about many aspects of foreign affairs, its opinions are usually stable and reasonable reactions to real world events, are not lacking in structure, and can often have an important impact on foreign policies. Holsti surveys changing perceptions of the effect of public opinion on foreign policy since World War I. According to Holsti, this war transformed the issue of public participation in foreign affairs from a theoretical into a practical one that many postwar leaders had to confront. World War II and its immediate aftermath are equally significant. The Vietnam War stimulated a new wave of theory and research that challenged many aspects of the post-World War II view of public opinion. The author assesses the hypothesis that the bipartisan foreign policy consensus of the post-World War II period has, during the past two decades, given way to sharp partisan cleavages, reinforced by ideological differences. The end of the Cold War has also raised new questions about public opinion and foreign policy. Holsti explores the determinants of public opinion on foreign policy, the impact of gender, generation, education, religion, and race on foreign policy attitudes, and the relationship of the opinions of the general public to the opinions of leaders. This book will be of interest to political scientists, historians, political psychologists, and anyone with an interest in American foreign policy and the domestic factors that may affect its formulation and implementation. Ole Holsti is George V. Allen Professor of International Affairs, Duke University. |
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Страница 107
... Threats to U.S. National Security Evidence from a number of surveys has shown that even before the disintegration of the Soviet Union , much of the American public was inclined to focus on threats to national security other than those ...
... Threats to U.S. National Security Evidence from a number of surveys has shown that even before the disintegration of the Soviet Union , much of the American public was inclined to focus on threats to national security other than those ...
Страница 108
... threat , whereas only 10 percent of the accommodationists did so . But perhaps the more impor- tant conclusion is that relatively few respondents judged these pro- spective developments to be a major concern . In contrast , three threats ...
... threat , whereas only 10 percent of the accommodationists did so . But perhaps the more impor- tant conclusion is that relatively few respondents judged these pro- spective developments to be a major concern . In contrast , three threats ...
Страница 176
... threats to U.S. national security may be especially telling because it offers a varied menu , including three threats that are at least in part residues from the Cold War ( nuclear weapons in the former Soviet Union and the Third World ...
... threats to U.S. national security may be especially telling because it offers a varied menu , including three threats that are at least in part residues from the Cold War ( nuclear weapons in the former Soviet Union and the Third World ...
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Introduction | 1 |
The PostWorld War II Consensus | 23 |
Challenges to the Postwar Consensus | 39 |
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