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But they must, in all their movements, have regard to those who come after them to set up and maintain the permanent institutions of religion. With them they must be closely connected. There should be no independence in this respect. Wherever christianity, through their instrumentality, shall have gained a foothold, all proper means should be employed to guard, sustain, and extend it. And here lies the proper sphere of civilization. Civilization is the handmaid of religion. It is appointed of God as the support and bulwark of religion. We do not say, except and a correct it be in the order of nature simply, first christianize, then civile their distresize. For christianity is connected with civilization, as the rising sun with the illumination of the earth. But we say, let all those acts, customs, and habits, which christianity naturally produces, and by which it is beautified and fortified, let all these be introduced cotemporaneously with the gospel. For why should not science, the foster-child of religion, be made subservient to its progress? Who ordained science and art, and wherefore? Was it not, that they might be employed as instrumentalities in advancing the cause of religion? What missions have been most prospered, those in which schools have been founded, and education has been pursued, where the arts of civilized life have been introduced, as the spread of christianthe heity opened the way, or those where little or nothing of this has been attempted? We have said, that the proper province of civilization is to fortify and support an already planted christianarrity. We would carefully guard against the impression, that we Christ That would not justify a resort to any of the means which civilized life provides, if not discordant with the will of God, for gaining favor in behalf of religion. For why should he whom religion has civilized, become a barbarian, in order to spread that very religion which, in its lawful workings, has made him what he whole wa is? If he did not appear and act like a civilized being, how could he, indeed, fully and correctly exhibit the power of the gospel, in its legitimate effects?
4. Any thing that will relieve the church at large of a sense of their responsibility to propagate the gospel is deeply to be deprecated. There may be seasons when christian sagacity should be tasked to lighten the burden of supporting the work of missions. All missionary undertakings should be conducted, as they, indeed, for the most part are, with rigid economy. Peculiar circumstances may warrant, may require individuals to go out, depending on their own resources. Yet it is the assigned duty of the church at large, to evangelize the world. It is essential to its advancement in holiness. It is its richest privVOL. X.
for the educat thing else on
ilege, its highest honor to co-operate with God in this glorious work. Not a regenerated soul in christendom should be deprived of the privilege-or exonerated from the duty. It is a work in which every follower of Christ must engage. Every one should feel, that a part of the responsibility rests on him. The more this is felt and realized, the brighter will the church of Christ shine; the more rapidly will its triumphs multiply. The more every individual christian enters into this work, the more happy, the more holy, the more fit for heaven will he be. The church should feel, that this work is her own; that she must sustain it, cost what it will. The great objection, which we have felt to the plan proposed in the work before us, lies here; that should it be carried into effect, and bands of missionaries should be sent forth at little or no expense to the church; she would begin to feel, that her obligation is lessened, or removed. She would be inclined to imagine, that this work rested upon individuals whom the providence or the spirit of God might designate, while she had rightly no part nor lot in the matter. The church might thus suffer vastly more than the cause of missions would gain. True, it may be urged with some degree of force, that the early missionaries of the cross,-the apostles of our Lord, as individuals went forth and sustained themselves in a great degree either by their own industry, or by aid derived from those whom they evangelized. But this plea can never be urged with any force, till all christendom have done what all christendom then did; when "as many as were possessed of lands or houses, sold them, and brought the price of the things that were sold and laid them down at the apostles' feet." When this spirit is felt and acted out by the great body of christians, then may efforts be wisely made to seek out means for relieving the church of the burden of missions at the expense of the comfort and efficiency of individual missionaries.
5. An open field of christian effort is spread out before the American youth, yea, and American adults. Individuals can no longer excuse themselves from missionary service by the plea, that support cannot be provided for them; that they may prove burdensome to the churches; that the missionary work addresses itself to none of the peculiar susceptibilities with which their creator has furnished them. If they have the spirit of Christ, there is abundant room for the employment of any of the powers which they may possess, in the field of missions. They may go out to this war "at their own charges," and have no reason to fear, that God will fail them. They need not burden the churches. They may carry out their own spirit of na
tive independence to any wholesome degree. Are there not many in our churches, who can be called forth by considerations like these, but who feel themselves to be addressed by no sufficient motives? To such we would say, Cast your eyes over the broad field of the gospel mission; view the variety of powers, the diversity of gifts required; consider the abundant facilities which the providence of God is affording for personal support; remember the cheering promise of your Lord and Savior, the last which he has left to his obedient disciples, "Lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world," and then determine whether the command in its more direct, specific import be not addressed to you, "Go ye therefore, and teach all nations."
ART. VII.-MEMOIR OF LOVEJOY.
Memoir of the Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy; who was murdered in defence of the liberty of the press, at Alton, Illinois, Nov. 7th, 1837: by JOSEPH C. and OWEN LOVEJOY; with an Introduction, by JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. New York: John S. Taylor. 1838.
WE consider the Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy to have been wantonly MURDERED, while acting in defense of the liberty of speech and of the press. A stigma of no common die attaches to Alton, Illinois, where the foul deed was perpetrated—for the men who committed it yet go unpunished, and the late arraignment and trial, both of the rioters and of the persons who were lawfully protecting their property and rights, we view as one of the most sheer mockeries of justice, which has ever been exhibited in a state claiming to be civilized. The whole transaction from first to last, is a legitimate result of that spirit of violence and mob-rule which has been so rampant for a few years past, and which we cannot but feel is one of the most lamentable features of the present times.
Mr. Lovejoy, in our view, had a perfect right to defend himself and his property. The community in which he lived were bound to uphold the laws, and on them must rest the disgrace of having suffered a minister of the gospel-to be shot down as a malefactor. We have been amazed at the attempts made to cover over the guilt of this transaction, under the plea, that
Mr. Lovejoy was imprudent-that he had violated his pledge, and that he had no right to use fire-arms in any case. We have no faith in the charges; but had he been ever so imprudent had he acted contrary to his pledges could any or all of these things palliate the wickedness of the deed? We say, No. It was deliberate, premeditated murder. The persons who made the attack, knew the subjects of their violence were prepared for defense. Mr. Lovejoy had been hunted from place to place, for the purpose of taking his life. At St. Charles, in Missouri, he escaped at the greatest risk. These facts were known in Alton. Fire-arms were in hands of the mob as they pressed on to the assault; it was not till two or more guns had been discharged at the building in which Mr. L. and his friends were assembled, that a shot was fired from within. The building was set on fire, and persons were planted in ambush, to shoot do its defenders, and even after the death of Mr. Lovejoy, the mob fired upon the escaping party, and wounded some of them. The press, as all know, was destroyed, and mob-rule thus established in Alton. These are the facts in the case, and there is nothing but sophistry, or something worse, as it seems to us, in the endeavor to gloss over the transaction as the result of sudden excitement. It matters not to us, if it was contrary to the wishes of many and respectable citizens, that Mr. Lovejoy attempted to continue his press. He, if he had violated the laws, was amenable to them. If he had not, then he had a right to look to the civil authority to protect him, and had they all possessed any proper feeling of their responsibility they would have done so at every hazard; nor do we see any reason to believe, that with suitable decision of character in action they might not at once have quelled the disturbance. But strange as it may seem-no preparation was made-not the slightest evidence is there, that they had any such intention. On the contrary, their sympathies appear to have been with the mob, and their city is consequently handed down to posterity with the foul blot of murder, staining its escutch on.
The volume before us gratifies a natural wish which we at once felt to know something more of the past history of Mr. Lovejoy. We had read his Observer, and admired the manly independence of character and sound sense, which many of the articles exhibited. We knew from these, that his aim was the dissemination of truth, and we felt that we could sympathize with him in his labors for this end. We did not think it strange, that his name was cast out, and branded with many an epithet of
wrong. Such had been our own course, and we should be among the last to think worse of him for this fact. After he had been goaded on by repeated outrages, in which he saw, as he believed, the legitimate fruit of the system of American slavery, it is cruel in the extreme, it is injustice, to pass over the circumstances in which he stood, and attempt to fasten upon him the whole responsibility of that bloody night.
The memoir of Mr. Lovejoy is the joint production of two brothers, and they have in it erected a fair monument to the memory of their beloved brother. While they have told his story in a candid and interesting manner, they have avoided excessive panegyric; nor have they indulged in bitter invective against his murderers. Something we must, and ought to pardon, to the peculiarity of their situation. Here and there perhaps they may have attributed more to particular influences than was the fact; but they have aimed to write in a christian spirit, and to make a true record. We have been gratified to meet with so many evidences of the kind and social feelings of a man stigmatized as violent and passionate by some. He may have been a person of warm and glowing sensibilities, but with so much filial, conjugal and fraternal affection and tenderness as he manifests so much christian conscientiousness, he could not have been a headstrong and obstinate man. We meet with elements of character in him adapted to render him energetic and firm, as he indeed was-but we see no evidence, that he was unwilling to be swayed by reason and love. His talents were of a high order, and his acquisitions, and principles of thought, sufficient to demand respect for his opinions. He was cut off from probable and expected usefulness before he had reached the prime of life, not by the hand of disease, or some of the usual means of dissolution, but by the assaults of incendiaries and of ruffian violence. He was a firm and uncompromising opposer of the system of American slavery as abhorrent to all justice; he had seen its evils, and knew what were its necessary results, and he felt, that to be silent so long as he had a voice to speak, or the means to make himself heard, would be to prove recreant to his trust, and he conscientiously and prayerfully devoted himself to the fulfillment of his duty. He was aware of the hazard-he knew the relentless spirit which sought his life, and had he viewed the alternative of its loss or preservation as the only one to be decided, he would willingly have yielded to the necessity, and might yet have been living; but he believed, that a graver question was involved in his conduct -a question respecting one of the dearest rights of man-the