discontents was the absence of a practical rule for the apportionment of the public burthens: and while the demands for revenue were being considered, feeling the obligation of an effort to act upon the existing provision of the Confederationa valuation of the land within the States,-Hamilton offered a resolution "in order to enable Congress to form an eventual plan towards carrying it into execution." In obedience also to his sense of the importance of unswerving fidelity to the public engagements, he sought to make provision for the Continental bills, of which the people of New England were large holders. In this he failed, the Southern States being much opposed to their redemption. But there were other interests that could not be wantonly disregarded. The main army presented a memorial to Congress, setting forth its claims. In strict justice, these claims had no precedence over those of other public creditors; and Hamilton reported a declaration by Congress, that the troops of the United States, "in common with all their creditors, have an undoubted right to expect security for their claims;" and that Congress will make every effort in its power to obtain from the respective States, substantial funds, adequate to the object of funding the whole debt of the United States; and will enter upon an immediate and full consideration of the nature of such funds, and the most likely mode of obtaining them.”— To fulfil this pledge, he presented a resolution, "that it is the opinion of Congress, that complete justice cannot be done to the creditors of the United States, nor the restoration of public credit be effected, or the future exigencies of the war be provided for, but by the establishment of permanent and adequate funds, to operate generally throughout the United States, to be collected by Congress."*

This great advance towards an effective general Government acting upon individuals, Virginia had recently barred. In the previous month of October, she passed a resolution; not merely in opposition to the grant to Congress of the power of levying an impost, but formally and utterly hostile to the grant of any power to Congress of raising a national revenue. Its terms are, "Whereas the permitting any power, other than the general Assembly of this Commonwealth, to levy duties or taxes upon the citizens of this State within the same, is injurious to its sovereignty; may prove destructive of the rights and liberty of the

*Hist. Rep. ii. 360.

people; and, so far as Congress might exercise the same, is contravening the spirit of the Confederation in the eighth article thereof;"* therefore the act previously passed granting it was repealed. Unpropitious as this procedure of Virginia was, Hamilton adhered to his purpose; and, declared by a resolution of Congress," notwithstanding the discouraging obstacles they have hitherto encountered, they conceive it a duty to themselves and their constituents, to persevere in their intentions to renew and extend their endeavors to procure the establishment of revenues equal to the purpose of funding all the debts of the United States." Immediately after this renewed pledge, the mode of valuing the public lands-the rule of contribution-was considered. The plan approved by Congress he deemed very objectionable. It was acceded to by others from a persuasion that "some plan was expected by the States, and that none better could be fallen upon." Hamilton did not concur. His reasons detailed in a letter to the Governor of New York, have great weight. "A leading rule," he wrote at the close of this letter, "which I have laid down for the direction of my conduct is this; that, while I would have a just deference for the expectations of the States, I would never consent to amuse them by attempts which must either fail in the execution or be productive of evil. I would rather incur the negative inconveniences of delay, than the positive mischiefs of injurious expedients. *** There should, in my opinion, be a character of wisdom and efficiency in all the measures of the federal council-the opposite of a spirit of temporizing expedients. Every part of a business which is of so important and universal concern should be transacted on uniform principles, and under the direction of that body which has a common interest. I regard the present moment, probably the dawn of peace, as peculiarly critical; and the measures which it should produce, as of great importance to the future welfare of these States."

...

Having urged that the proposed plan should be deferred; he offered a pledge, that an accurate valuation of the land should be made by Commissioners, appointed by Congress and acting under their authority. Though this pledge was supported by a majority of members, it was lost by a vote of States; and the plan he opposed was then rejected; and was never adopted. The consideration of the Financial policy was long interrupted

* Henning's Statutes, xi. 171.

by a discussion of the claims of, and the provision made for the army; the necessity of adequate and permanent funds, having been declared by Congress. This subject was at last deliberately resumed; and on the motion of Madison, a proposition was made re-asserting the principle-the necessity of permanent and adequate funds; but omitting the provision in Hamilton's previous resolution, that these funds should be collected by Congress. This fatal concession to State prejudices was followed by another. It was the limitation of the grant of these funds to a period of twenty five years, defeating the intended purposethe making them a basis for loans.* In vain, did Hamilton attempt by a modification of his plan, which gave to Congress the nomination of the officers of collection, but left the approval and appointment of them to the States, to secure his primary objects. His proposal was defeated; and a report was adopted, inviting the States to confer on Congress the power of levying, for the use of the United States, specific duties on certain enumerated articles, and an ad valorem duty on others—the duties to be continued for twenty five years;-the Collectors to be appointed by the States, removable by and amenable to Congress; with power, in case a State omitted to appoint, to make the appointment. Hamilton persisted in withholding his vote from this plan as being violative of his principles; but expressed "the hope, that New York would consent to it," upon special and general considerations. A similar plane of thought and system of principles are manifest in the several other plans submitted by him to Congress; among which is his report of a continental peace Establishment, land and naval. These plans, though not adopted by this negative Congress, were important, not only for the principles set forth as to the construction of the powers of the Confederacy, but as preliminary to the measures of a later period. Nor was his influence then unfelt as to the foreign policy of this country. The terms of a treaty of peace with Great Britain long and much agitated its counsels, these agitations chiefly proceeding from the subservience of Virginia to the views of France; from the questions which arose as to the national boundaries; and from the firmness of the negotiators of this treaty, shewn in the insisting upon the common

* This limitation was in consequence of the opposition of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Virginia—(Madison, Lee, and Mercer, voting for it, Colonel Bland against it.) A similar limitation, much urged by Madison in 1790, was then decisively rejected, and Hamilton's view prevailed.

rights of the people of the United States to the American fisheries. As to all these matters Hamilton's policy is seen to have been comprehensive and steadfast; nor were his efforts less strenuous to give a fair construction to the terms of this treaty, when concluded; and to persuade honest and moderate counsels in the execution of those of its provisions, as to which unhappy opinions had prevailed,* and existed.

Having prepared the instrument of ratification of this treaty, Hamilton wrote to Jay-its chief and most able negotiator, "We have now concluded the great work of independence, but much remains to be done to reap the fruits of it. Our prospects are not flattering. Every day proves the inefficacy of the present Confederation. Yet the common danger being removed, we are receding instead of advancing in a disposition to amend its defects. The road to popularity in each State is, to inspire jealousies of the power of Congress; though nothing can be more apparent, than that they have no power; and, that for the want of it the resources of the country during the war could not be drawn out; and we at this moment experience all the mischief of a bankrupt and ruined credit. It is to be hoped, that when prejudice and folly have run themselves out of breath; we may return to reason and correct our errors."

Discouraging as this view is, Hamilton resolved, before retiring from Congress to make another effort to retrieve by a great public act, the public affairs. The proposal made by New York to the other States to unite in a General convention to amend the Confederation, framed by himself, had met with no response. He well knew, that it was not easy to relieve the atrophy of a nation. Nevertheless, though disappointed in his exertions to recover it to health, full of apprehensions as to the continuance of the Union, he felt that it was a high duty to the people of this young country, while yet united in a general Confederacy, again, to appeal to them in their own behalf, through their several States, to save that Union. With this

*On the 17th December 1781 Virginia passed resolutions, directing the Commissioners at Paris; "neither to agree to any restitution of property confiscated by the State; nor to submit that the laws made by any independent State of the Union be subjected to the adjudication of any power or powers on Earth." Congress resolved "that this stipulation could not be retracted, without a violation of the national faith; and that the honor and interest of these United States require that it should be substantially complied with." Hist. Rep. ii. 531,

532.

paramount object in view, he framed a series of Resolutions, setting forth in much detail the defects of the Articles of the Confederation, enumerating briefly the injurious consequences of these defects; declaring the necessity of "a Government, capable, both in peace and war, of making every member of the Union, contribute in just proportion to the common necessities; and of combining and directing the forces and wills of the several parts to a general end;" and recommending to the States, "to appoint a CONVENTION to meet on a fixed day; with full powers to revise the Confederation; and to adopt and propose such alterations, as to them shall appear necessary to be finally approved or rejected by the States respectively."

On the draft of these resolutions Hamilton recorded the fact, that they were intended to be submitted to Congress, but abandoned for want of support." Full of an equal apprehension as to the continuance of the Union, Washington, on the eighth of June on the disbanding of the army, addressed a circular letter to the Governors of all the States. In this parting appeal, he urged, "as essential not only to the well being, but to the existence of the United States as an independent power, an indissoluble union of the States under one common head;" sacred regard to justice; the adoption of a proper peace establishment," and "the prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make those mutual concessions, which are requisite to the general prosperity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community."

a

Referring to these paternal counsels, Hamilton thus addressed his late commander in chief.

"In a letter which I wrote to you several months ago, I intimated that it might be in your power to contribute to the establishment of our federal UNION upon a more solid basis. I have never since explained myself. At the time, I was in hopes Congress might have been induced to take decisive ground; to inform their constituents of the imperfections of the present system, and of the impossibility of conducting the public affairs with honor to themselves and advantage to the community; with powers so disproportioned to their responsibility; and having done this in a full and forcible manner, to adjourn, the moment the definitive treaty was ratified. In retiring at the same juncture, I wished you, in a solemn manner, to declare to