if a fraud was quod aliud agit, aliud simulat. | lord had said, for eighteen months, but for The clause now proposed, by gradually twelve; and during those twelve months, changing the enlistment from limited to such had been its effects, and such, above unlimited service, would go to undermine all, the manner of producing those effects, and destroy the system introduced two as might leave to the advocates of the meayears ago. The effect of the clause would sure, nothing to be required, however much be most important, and the house ought might have been expected, from the result to have the fullest notice and the fairest of any further trial. In the first quarter, opportunity of considering it in all its it had produced at the rate of 11,000 men bearings. He reminded the house, that a-year; in the second quarter, at the rate when, on a memorable occasion, some of 13,000; in the third quarter, at the propositions were made with respect to rate of 21,000; and in the fourth quarter, Catholic soldiers, to which no objection at the rate of 24,000. It was certainly no was foreseen at the time, upon its appear- little praise that it so soon equalled the ing afterwards that objections might be effect of the ordinary and extraordinary expected, the propositions were withdrawn recruiting which was in force before it; from the Mutiny Bill, and put to the sense and the manner in which it effected its of the house in a separate bill. It was purpose, was, in itself, sufficient to give it disgraceful that the present measure should a superiority over the measures which be brought forward in the present form. were now brought into comparison with it. He was glad to find that the noble lord The noble lord's boast, that his measures had so far corrected his former sentiments, had done as much, was much the same as to allow that it was material to the sort as that of gentlemen known at Astley's army to allow the liberty of engaging for and Hughes's by the name of Mr. Merrylimited service. The noble lord and his man, whose office in the piece was to refriends had formerly contended, and con- peat whatever had been done by the leadtended with great vehemence, that the ing performer, but with the omission of men who embraced the profession of arms the only circumstance which could render were equally ready to enlist for life as for the feat of any value. Should the principal a term of years. He was now compelled tumbler, for instance, throw what is called to abandon this opinion; yet could not pre- a somerset, that is to say, turn heels over vail upon himself to relinquish it altogether, head in the air, Mr. Merryman instantly but, by the most absurd of all arrange- rolled over on the floor, upon his head ments, would have part of the army on and his breech, and then looked cunningly one footing, and part on the other. Did round to the spectators, as who should say, the noble lord intend that the men en- have not I done the same thing. If the gaged for unlimited service should be kept rider at any time vaulted into the saddle in distinct bodies, and appropriated to fo- by placing his hand on the pommel, Mr. reign service. It would be easy to see Merryman climbed up by the mane or the the inconveniences that would result from tail, and triumphed in the idea of his being that course, and the impossibility, indeed, equally seated. It was the merit of his of executing it. As the numbers were to measure that it raised the men by the orbe unequal, how were they to be dis- dinary recruiting alone; while the meatributed between the two battalions? On sures with which it was compared, prothe other supposition, the discontents that cured them by means expensive and would prevail in the army, and the injuries violent, and which exhausted the sources that would be done to discipline by having of recruiting in future. The comparison men enlisted, in an inconsiderate moment, between the extraordinary measures of for unlimited service, along-side men who other administrations, and his measure, were engaged only for a term of years, was just the same as that of a man with were too striking to require elucidation. 100,000l. capital, with a man having He would come now to the statements, as 40,000l. a-year. The former could exset forth on a paper printed by consent at ceed the other for a period, even of a the close of the last session, and arranged couple of years, by 10,000l. a-year; but, in opposite columns for the greater conveat the end of that time, the capitalist nience of comparison. The noble lord would be in gaol, while the other would denied him the credit of making any ad- be jogging on at the same undiminished dition to the army. It was a credit that rate of 40,000l. a-year. His measure had he had never claimed. His measure had been but twelve months in force, when its been in full operation, not, as the noble produce equalled that of the prior ordinary

many men, how many more will be produced by a number so much greater: but they forgot the condition, that the parties must have enough to work upon, and that, without that, they could only pull against one another. The fifty-four second battalions, let it be remembered, to which allusion had been made, were created by the preceding administration. With a full establishment of officers, and no men, they could not be left a burthen on the country. It was hard to oblige the officers to complete the numbers to a certain amount: but it was a hardship that was necessary; and when the increase was called for, it was inevitable to allow the regiments to send out their parties. The permission given to the Irish militia to volunteer, and the competition between the regiments, each seeking to get its share, was another cause of the multiplication of recruiting parties; and in all those cases the government had nothing to do with the matter. With respect to the desertions, the number had decreased under his measure. Without troubling the house with figures, he would generally say, that from the commencement of the year 1805, to the introduction of the late system in the middle of 1806; whether the trial were made by quarterly periods or half yearly; whether in G. Britain alone, in Ireland alone, or in G. Britain and Ireland taken together; whether by head quarters recruiting, or district recruiting, or by the two combined, in whatever way the com

recruiting and the additional force act together, during the six months that they were most productive. When the noble lord talked of 36,000 men from the militia, it should never be lost sight of that many of these were enlisted into the militia as substitutes, costing, at times, 60 or 70 guineas, to which was to be added, the further bounty for entering into the line. As to the reflection on the number of boys inintroduced under his measure, he knew not on what the idea was founded. The system of limited service had apparently no more tendency to get boys instead of men, than other systems had to get boys instead of girls. If there was any such tendency, it would be the highest recommendation of the measure, as it could proceed from nothing but the greater readiness with which parents would part with their children, when there was a hope of their return, than when they considered the service as carrying them away for ever. On this topic of boys, he should be glad to know if what he had heard was true, that in certain militia regiments, some of them not far from the place in which he was speaking, there were not only numerous boys received, but paid also in a way different from what they were in the army, that is to say, placed upon full pay. As to the increased allowances from Chelsea, that was a measure which stood on its own grounds, and required to be adopted on the bare considerations of justice and humanity. An attempt was made to account for the suc-parison was; the regular recruiting had cess of the late system by the increased number of recruiting parties, and an insinuation conveyed at the same time that they were encreased for the purpose. The multiplication of recruiting parties arose, not from the government, nor from any desire to promote the execution of his measure; it proceeded from a quarter decidedly adverse to his measure. It was besides well known, that the multiplication of recruiting parties beyond a certain proportion, diminished, instead of increasing the number of recruits; the competition would not get a man more for the tion so excited was not of that sort by which, as sometimes happens, production was increased, but that of which the only effect was, to add to one what was taken from another. Nothing could betray more a want of correctness in thinking, than the mistake that prevailed in this respect. The persons who urged this topic fell to work like school boys, and said, if so many recruiting parties will produce so

gradually declined; that after the introduction of that system it had gradually increased, and that since the noble lord came into office, it had again gradually declined. In the last half year of the last system, the ordinary recruiting alone had beat the ordinary recruiting of the corresponding period in the preceding year, with the Additional Force Bill into the bargain. The former exceeded 11,000 men, while the latter only rose to something above 10,000. This new proposi

army, but on the contrary, would go to keep many men out of it. On this head, some deference was due to the authority of himself and his friends on the subject, as the measure which the clause meant to affect originated with them, and as they had distinctly declared, and shown by their conduct, that they thought that such a clause would destroy the effect of the measure. The military plan which he had

proposed, proceeded on the principle of meliorating the future condition of the soldiers, by the prospect of future advantages, it was necessary therefore that confidence should be inspired into the people to give it its due effect. But the clause now proposed went to destroy confidence and to diffuse distrust. If it was expected from what had been said the other night by a noble lord, it was intended eventually to allow those soldiers who had enlisted for a term of years, to change that term for life, this would be an atrocious breach of faith; for the prohibition which now existed was the protection of the soldier, and were it to be removed he would be exposed to the solicitations and ultimately to the vengeance of his officers. After arguing at considerable length on these topics he concluded, by expressing his hopes that the house would rise with one common feeling of indignation against the insidious attempt, which was made without any plausible pretext whatever, to destroy that which after deliberate and repeated discussion had received the solemn sanction of parliament.

General Tarleton said, that in any other country he should think the principle of limited service a good one; but in this country he thought it would be dangerous to adopt it, on account of the extent of its 'colonies. There was likewise another point of view in which he considered it as very objectionable, namely, the necessity that there was of having a large army at all times in readiness to oppose those schemes of invasion which it was beyond a doubt Buonaparte never for a moment lost sight of, in the prosecution of the present war. The hon. general, however, did not confine himself to the question immediately before the house, but availed himself of the latitude of debate permitted in a committee, to take a general view of the defence of the country. And in order to establish its security on a firm basis, he was of opinion that it would be highly expedient to assemble all the regulars, militia, and volunteers, in different camps round the metropolis, and there to keep them in constant exercise, so that when the hour of danger came, every man might know his place. He wished also, that a part of the artillery should be thrown into the rear of the army; and, for this purpose, he should be extremely glad if the half of Woolwich could be transferred to Nottingham, From England the hon. and gallant general passed over to Ireland;

and, for the defence of that country, he proposed, that four different corps-d'armée should be formed and stationed at Dublin, Athlone, Mallow, and Brough. From Ireland he passed to America, and, in contemplating the possibility of a war with that country, he thought that it would be right to set up an army in Canada. From America he passed to the East Indies, and recommended the precautions necessary for frustrating the projects of Buonaparte upon our possessions in that part of the world. Glancing at the present situation of Sweden, the hon. general pronounced it to be his opinion, that no British troops should be sent to the aid of our ally; but that he should be supported by large pecuniary succours, and by the German legion, the casualties of which would be more easily supplied abroad than in this country, as it consisted entirely of foreignThe rest of the army ought to be coneentrated in England and Ireland; for, in one or other of these countries, the battle must be fought, and thither, we might depend upon it, all the force which he had employed upon the continent would be sent.

ers.

The heart and entrance of the kingdom ought therefore to be guarded with the utmost vigilance. When Buonaparte invaded our shores with his numerous and formidable legions, would it be sufficient to oppose to him Magna Charta, our constitution, or a friendly and It would, perconciliating opposition? haps, be objected to him, that military men were fond of war; but the hon. general assured the committee, that this was by no means the case; at least he, individually, was not fond of war, though he had fought and bled, and was ready to die in defence of his country. On these grounds the hon. and gallant general gave his decided support to the clause of his noble friend, empowering recruiting for life.

The Secretary at War was not sorry for giving precedence to the gallant general. The sentiments that fell from him were just and correct, and he fully concurred in them. It was not his intention to follow the right hon. gent. (Mr. Windham) through the long speech delivered by him, which was as usual characterized by brilliancy and eloquence. The right hon. gent. had dwelt at considerable length on the shortness of the notice given, and on the mode of proceeding adopted; but when it was considered that this subject had been frequently before debated, and had excited much of the public attention,

[CONDUCT OF MARQUIS WELLESLEY OUDE CHARGE.] The order of the day being read for resuming the adjourned debate on the Oude Charge,

house would give to it the gravest consideration, and adopt those measures which a sense of public justice and national honour should dictate, unbiassed by feelings Lord Folkestone rose, and began by stat- of favour or prejudice. The noble lord ing some alteration in his Resolutions. then proceeded to recapitulate the cirHe then observed, by way of preliminary cumstances, under which the interference observations, on the complaint made by of marquis Wellesley in the affairs of the marquis Wellesley's friends of the delay reigning Nabob of Oude originated; which in bringing forward this question. For interference terminated in the violation of his own part, he had used as much haste a solemn treaty between the East India as was consistent with the importance of Company and the Nabob, and, by deprivthe subject, and the time indispensably ing that prince of all authority whatever necessary to read and maturely consider and controul within his own dominions, the voluminous documents produced and left him entirely at the mercy of the East printed on the subject. He also disclaimed India Company. In this case, the house any attempts to prejudice the public mind were called on to judge between the noble against marquis Wellesley by means of marquis and the nabob; but he begged the press; but he doubted extremely the house to recollect, that, in truth, there whether the friends of the noble marquis was only one party before them. The could say as much. He had seen but three marquis Wellesley had every advantage. pamphlets on the subject, only one of The case was to be tried on his own which appeared in any degree hostile to grounds: the only documents, his own acthe noble marquis; and the other two count of the transaction.. He was before were written to bias the public mind in the house, if not in person, at least reprehis favour, and were distributed gratis, not sented by friends and relations, persons only to the members of that house, but in bound to him by ties of blood, by friendlike manner through all the principal ta- ship, by services, by obligations. The verns and coffee houses in London. Even nabob, on the other hand, had no represome of the Resolutions which he himself sentative but such as the justice of his had first offered to the house, had been cause and the cruelty of the oppression he published in the Papers with Alterations had suffered had called forth. He had no and Comments; and this publication he means of telling his story; no opportunity could with certainty trace to the friends of producing his proofs. The house ought of the noble marquis, from the circum-to look with a partial and indulgent eye to stance, that they were precisely in the form in which he had transmitted these Resolutions to them, but in which he had subsequently made some verbal alterations. He did not complain of this; he left the house and the country to judge of the fairness and decency of such a proceeding, and of the strength of the cause which required such assistance; but he did say, that those, who held such a conduct themselves, should have been the very last to cry out at any attempts to prejudice the public mind. All attempts, however, of the sort he utterly disclaimed for his part; and he equally denied the knowledge of any such by any other person. Having premised thus much, the noble lord proceeded to his Charges against the noble marquis, to which he entreated the serious attention of the house. If he should not be able to establish this case, no man would mare sincerely regret than himself that he had ever trespassed upon the time of the house; but should he be able to sustain his case, he trusted the VOL. X.

his case. However, as the advocate of the nabob, he asked for nothing but justice; sheer naked justice-justice founded on the facts as lord Wellesley had himself related them; and he was sure that, if the house would but give a fair hearing to the case, these facts thus detailed would be sufficient to induce the house to mark, with the severest reprobation, the conduct of the noble marquis: he hoped, too, to afford some relief and mitigation to the unfortunate nabob.-Lord Folkestone then proceeded to comment upon the treatment which the nabob had experienced from the hands of lord Wellesley, as detailed in the papers on the table of the house; and, taking the course he had pursued in his Resolutions, to make good the grounds on which they were founded.-In 1798, the nabob ascended the musnud of the province of Oude, and on that occasion entered into a treaty with the East India Company; which, being the last compact between the two powers, must be considered as the rule of their future connec3 S