must therefore request your indulgence for leave of absence for two months. But I cannot take my departure, gentlemen, without expressing my thanks for the civility and politeness I have experienced from you. It is impossible to mention this without a heart felt pleasure. If in the course of so long a period as I have had the honor to fill this chair, any expressions may have dropped from me that may have given the least offence to any member, as it was not intentional, so I hope his candor will pass it over. May every happiness, gentlemen, attend you, both as members of this house and as individuals, and I pray Heaven, that unanimity and perseverance may go hand in hand in this house; and that every thing which m may tend to distract or divide your councils, may be for ever banished."

The congress in the afternoon, ordered, "That the secretary wait on the president, and request him to furnish the house with a copy of the speech with which he took leave of congress." When the secretary laid it before them, the Friday following, one of the New-York delegates introduced an answer he had prepared, which breathed too much the soothing air of servility, and possessed too small a portion of republican independency, and was therefore rejected. But it was moved, "That the thanks of congress, be presented to John Hancock, esq, for the unremitted attention and steady impartiality which he has mani fested in discharge of the various duties of his office as president, since his election to the chair, on the 24th day of May, 1775." Previous to the determination of this motion, it was moved "to resolve, as the opinion of congress, that it is improper to thank any president for the discharge of the duties of that office." The South-Carolina delegates being divided, and the New-Jersey delegate not voting, the states were equally divided, four and four. The question being put on the first motion, and these delegates voting in the affirmative, it was accordingly car ried, six against four..

When Mr. Hancock was first elected, in consequence of Mr. Peyton Randolph's being under a necessity of returning to Virginia, it was expected that as soon as the latter repaired again to congress, the former would resign. Of this he was reminded by one of his Massachusetts brethren, when Mr. Randolph got back; but the charms of presidency made him deaf to the private advice of his colleague, and no one could with propriety move for his removal that the other might be restored. In the early stage of his presidency, he acted upon republican principles; but afterward he inclined to the aristocracy of the New-York delegates, connected himself with them, and became their favorite. He at length fell in so fully with their plans, that a Rhode-Island delegate

delegate lectured him upon it, and told him that he had forgot ten the errand on which he was sent to congress, and advised him to return to his constituents. This versatility in political sentiments, though it chagrined, did not surprise his Massachusetts brethren; for they remembered, that at a certain period he was upon the point of joining the tory club at Boston (asit was called) whereby he alarmed the liberty party most amazingly, and obliged them to exert all their influence to prevent so dangerous and mortifying an event.

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In the chair he so acquitted himself, that a member of con gress wrote in May, when it was thought he would return to the Massachusetts-"This letter will go by president Hancock, for whose absence from congress I am much concerned, though his great fatigue and long attendance entitle him to some relaxation. How we shall do without him I know not, for we have never yet put in a chairman on a committee of the whole house, that could in any measure fill his place. He has not only dignity and impartiality, which are the great requisites of a presi dent of such a body, but has an alertness, attention and readi ness to conceive of any motion and its tendency, and of every alteration proposed in the course of debate, which greatly tends to facilitate and expedite business." The chair is known to be his fort. As chairman of a committee, or any other body, he presides with much advantage to himself; but it has been and is observed, that the number at the head of whom he is, whether many or few, makes a wide difference in him; when great, he appears to be in his own element, and is all animation; if small it is otherwise. This is common to public characters, especially where there is a fondness for popularity.

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[Nov. 1.] Congress proceeded to the election of a president; and the ballots being taken the honorable Henry Laurens was elected." He is a South-Carolina delegate, a gentleman of a large estate, and of an approved character. He was in England when the troubles were coming forward, and upon learning the intentions of ministry, returned with a fixed determination to risk all in the cause of his country and liberty. Gen. Washington has pointed out to him gen. Greene, as the most suitable person in his judgment, to succeed in the chief command of the American army, in case he himself should be taken off by death or in any other way.

[Nov. 3.] Colonel Wilkinson, who brought the dispatches from gen. Gates, attended and delivered a message from him to congress, in the following words, "I have it in charge from major gen. Gates, to represent to the honorable congress, that lieut. gen. Burgoyne, at the time he capitulated, was strongly entrenched

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on a formidable post with twelve days provision: that the re duction of fort Montgomery and the enemy's consequent pro gress up the Hudson's-River endangered our arsenal at Albany, a reflection which left gen. Gates no time to contest the capitulation with lieut. gen. Burgoyne, but induced the necessity of immediately closing with his proposals, hazarding a disadvantageous attack, or retiring from his position for the security of our magazine; this delicate situation abridged our conquests, and procured lieut. gen. Burgoyne the terms he enjoys. Had our attack been carried against lieut. gen. Burgoyne the dismemberment of our army must necessarily brave been such as would have incapacitated it from further action. With an army in health, vigor and spitits, major gen. Gates now waits the com mands of the honorable congress." Beside thanking Gates, Lincoln, Arnold, and the rest of the officers and troops under his command the congress resolved the next day, that a medal of gold should be struck in commemoration of the convention, and in the name of the United States presented by the president to major gen. Gates.

[Nov. 7.] Congress resolved, That major gen. Mifflin's resignation of the office of quarter-master-general be accepted, but that his rank and commission of major general be continued to him, without the pay annexed to that office, until further order of congress." In October they resolved, "That a board of war be established, to consist of three persons not members of congress." They now took up that business and proceeded to the election of the board, when major gen. Mifflin, col. Timothy Pickering and col. Bobert H. Harrison were elected. A fortnight after, in consequence of a conference between some of the members and Mifflin, they resolved, "That two additional commissioners be appointed to execute the department of the war office;" and Harrison declining to serve, they on the 27th proceeded to the election of three commissioners, when major gen. Gates, Joseph Trumbull, and Richard Peters, esq'rs, were elected; it was then resolved, "That major gen. Gates be appointed president of the board of war." Gates was to retain his rank as major general in the army, and to officiate at the board or in the field as occasion might require.

The great business of the CONFEDERATION calls for our next attention. It was on the 11th of June, 1776, that is was resolved to appoint a committee to prepare and digest the form of one. By the 12th of July they brought in a draught, which *was read and ordered to be printed for the consideration of congress alone; and no member was to furnish any person with dus copy, or take any steps by which the said confedration might be re-printed. After having been before congress nine and thirty times, on different days; a copy of the confederation being made out, and sundry amendments made in the diction, without altering the sense, the same was agreed to on the 15th of last November, and is as follows:

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND PERPETUAL UNION between the states of New-Hampshire, Massachu setts-bay, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South Carolinia and Georgia.

Article 1. The stile of this confederacy shall be "The United States of America."

Article 2. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United State in congress assembled.

Article 3. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties and their mutual and general welfare: binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them or any of them on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever.

Article 4. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friend, ship and intercourse among the people of the different states in this union, the free inhabitants of each of these states (paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted) shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states, and the people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties im, positions and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any state to any other state, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction, shall be laid by any state on the property of the United States or either of them.

If any person guilty of or charged with treason, felony or other high misdemeanor in any state, shall flee from justice and be found in any of the United States, he shall upon demand of the governor or executive power of the state from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offence.

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Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state.

Article 5. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet in congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each state to recal its delegates or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the remainder of the year.

No state shall be represented in congress by less than two nor by more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any, person being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he or any other for his benefit, receives any salary, fees or emolument of any kind.

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Each state shall maintain its own delegates in any meeting of the states, and while they act as members of the committee of the states.

In determining questions in the United States in congress assembled, each state shall have one vote.

Freedom of speech and debate in congress shall not be im peached or questioned in any court or place out of congress; and the members of congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from and attendance on congress, except for treason, felony or breach of the peace.

Article 6. No state, without the consent of the United States in congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance or treaty with any king, prince or state; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince or foreign state; nor shalt the United States in congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility.

No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation or alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the United States in congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue.

No state shall lay any inaposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States in congress assembled with any king, prince or state, in pursu