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eigner, or citizen may find security." From these authorities it appears that exchange is a part of modern banking, or at least so in timately connected with it that all modern banks have authority to deal in it. And it also appears that it is as much the duty of a State to provide for exchange, as for money or a circulating medium, for its subjects or citiWhen the State of Alabama reserved to herself, by her fundamental law, at least two fifths of the capital and control of all banks to be created in the State, and, by her laws, has actually appropriated to herself the whole of the capital, management and profits of five out of seven banks, and two fifths of the other two; had she not the same right to appropriate the banking right, to deal in exchange, to herself, to the same extent? While performing her duty, under the constitution, by providing a circulating medium for the citizens she was not unmindful of her duty in relation to exchange, and that is also provided for. Has she not provided increased security and safety to the merchant by making herself liable for the payment of every bill of exchange sold by the five banks belonging to her, and for two fifths of all sold by the other two? And has she not also provided by law that all the profits derived from thus dealing in bills of exchange shall go into the public treasury, for the common benefit of the people of the State? And has she not, by the profits arising from her banking, including the profits on exchange, been enabled to pay the whole expenses of the government, and thereby to abolish all direct or other taxation? See Aiken's Digest, 51.

these are not constitutional banks in Alabama, and cannot contract there. The majority of the court have decided these causes upon the presumption that Alabama had adopted the laws of Georgia, Louisiana, and Pennsylvania chartering these banks. And this presumption rests for its support upon the fact that there is nothing in the laws or the policy of the laws of Alabama to resist this presumption. I suppose it will not be contended that the power of this court to presume that Alabama had adopted these laws is greater than the power of Alabama to adopt the laws for herself. Suppose these banks had made a direct application to the Legislature of Alabama to pass a law to authorize them to deal in bills of exchange in that State, could the Legislature have passed such a law without violating the Constitution of the State?

An incorporated bank in Alabama is not only the mere creature of the law creating it, as banks are in other States, but it is the creature of a peculiar fundamental law; and if its charter is not in conformity to the provisions of the fundamental law, it is void. It must be recollected that the banks, which are the plaintiffs in these suits, when they present themselves to the Legislature, asking permission to use their corporate privileges there, are not demanding right, but asking a favor, which the Legislature may grant or refuse as it pleases. If it should refuse, it would violate no duty, or incur no responsibility. If, however, the court exercise the power, it is upon the positive obligation of Alabama that the presumption must arise, or the right does not exist. A positive rule of law cannot arise out of an imperfect obligation, by It was not the intention of the Legislature, presumption or implication. But to put it on by conferring the power upon those banks to the foot of bare repugnance of the law, prepurchase and sell bills of exchange, to deprive sumed to be adopted, to the laws of the country the citizens of the State, or any other natural adopting, if there be any repugnance the court person, of the right to do the same thing. But ought not to presume the adoption. Story's it was the intention to exclude all accumulated Conflict of Laws, 37. The charter of every bank capital which did not belong to the State, bank not created in conformity with the conin whole or in part, according to the constitu- stitution of Alabama must, at least, be repugtion, from dealing in exchange; and such is the nant to it. The presumption is that the charinevitable and legal effect of those laws. Letters of all these banks were repugnant, there us test this principle. It is admitted by the majority of the court, in their opinion, that these constitutional provisions were intended as a restraint upon the Legislature of the State. If so intended, the Legislature can pass no law contrary to the spirit and intention of the constitution; or contrary to the spirit and intention of the charters of the banks, created in pursuance of its provisions. Now, were the laws chartering the banks which are parties to this suit, contrary to the spirit and intention of the constitution and laws of Alabama? That is the precise question.

It must be borne in mind that these were banks, and nothing but banks that made the contracts in Alabama, and in that character, and that only, have they been considered in the opinion of the majority of the court. Were those banks chartered by the Legislature of Alabama, two thirds of both houses concurring? Was, at least, two fifths of the capital stock, and of the management of these banks reserved 604*] *to the State? Did the profits arising from the purchase of these bills of exchange go into the treasury of Alabama? All these ques tions must be answered in the negative. Then

being no reason or inducement to make them conform in the States where they were created. The power of the court to adopt the laws creating these banks, as they actually existed, and the power of the Legislature of Alabama to adopt them in a modified form, or to grant the banks a mere permission to do a specified act, present very different questions, and involve very different powers. If, therefore, the Legislature could not adopt the charters in the least objectionable form, nor authorize the banks to deal in exchange, without violating the constitution of Alabama, how can it be said that the contracts in controversy are not against the policy of the laws of Alabama? And by what authority does the majority of this court presume that Alabama has adopted those laws? The general rule is, that slight evidence and circumstances shall defeat a mere legal presumption of law. This case will be a signal exception to that rule.

*In the case of Pennington v. Towns [*605 end, 7 Wend. Rep. 278, the Protection and Lombard Bank, chartered by New Jersey, by agents, undertook to do banking business in New York, and there discounted the check which was

the subject of the suit, in violation of the laws. In all other respects the States are neorestraining acts of 1813 and 1818; the first of essarily foreign to, and independent of each which enacts that no person unauthorized by other." It is in this foreign and independent law shall become a member of any association relation that these four States stand before this for the purpose of issuing notes or transacting court in these cases. The condition of Alabama, any other business which incorporated banks taken with a view to this relation, cannot be may or do transact. The act of 1818 enacts worse than that of an independent nation, in that it shall not be lawful for any person, as-like circumstances. What that would be we sociation, or body corporate to keep any office will see from authority. of deposit for discounting, or for carrying on any kind of banking business, and affixes & penalty of $1,000 to be recovered, etc. Under these laws the contract between the parties was held to be void; and the court says: "The protection against the evil intended to be remedied, to wit, preventing banking without the authority of the Legislature of the State, is universal in its application within the State, and without exception; unless qualified by the same power which enacted it, or by some other paramount law. Such is not the law incorporating this bank."

Is there anything in these laws which more positively prohibits banking in New York, without the authority of the Legislature of that State, than there is in the constitution of Alabama, prohibiting all banking except in the manner prescribed by the constitution? Can it be believed that she intended to protect herself against the encroachments of her own Legis lature only, and to leave herself exposed to the encroachments of all her sister States? Does the language employed in these provisions of the constitution justify any such construction? It is general, comprehensive, and not only restrictive, but expressly prohibitory. Whatever is forbidden by the constitution of Alabama, can be done by no one within her jurisdiction; and it was sufficient for her to know that no bank could do any valid banking act there without violating her constitution. It was contended by the counsel for the banks that no law could be regarded as declaring the policy of the State, unless it was penal, and inflicted some punishment for its violation. This doctrine is as novel as it is unfounded in principle. I know of no such exclusive rule by which to reach the mind and intention of the Legislature. If the language used shows clearly that particular acts were intended to be prohibited, and the act is afterwards done, it is against the policy of the law and void. Suppose the Legislature of Alabama were to establish a bank, disregarding all the conditions and restrictions imposed by the constitution; would it not violate that instrument, and therefore the act be void? And can Georgia, Louisiana, or Pennsylvania, by their respective Legislatures, do in Alabama what her own Legislature cannot do? The relations which these States hold towards each other, in their individual capacity of States, under the Constitution of the United States, is that of perfect independence. In the case of Buckner v. Finley and Van Lear, 2 Peters's Rep. 590, Chief Justice Marshall said: "For all national purposes embraced by the federal Constitution, the States and the citizens 606*] thereof are one, united under the same Sovereign authority, and governed by the same

"Nations being free and independent of each other in the same manner as men are naturally free and independent, the second general law of their society is that each nation ought to be left in the peaceable enjoyment of that liberty it has derived from nature. The natural society of nations cannot subsist, if the rights which each has received from nature are not respected. None would willingly renounce its liberty; it would rather break off all commerce with those that should attempt to violate it. From this liberty and independence it follows that every nation is to judge of what its conscience demands, of what it can or cannot do, of what is proper or improper to be done; and consequently to examine and determine whether it can perform any office for another without being wanting in what it owes to itself. In all cases, then, where a nation has the liberty of judging what its duty requires, another cannot oblige it to act in such or such a manner. For the attempting this would be doing an injury to the liberty of nations. A right to offer constraint to a free person can only be invested in us in such cases where that person is bound to perform some particular thing for us, or from a particular reason that does not depend on his judgment; or in a word, where we have a complete authority over him." Vatt. 53, 54.

Now, apply these just and reasonable principles to Alabama, in her relation of a foreign and independent State, reposing upon the rights reserved to her by the tenth amendment of the Constitution of the United States, and then show the power that can compel her to pass penal laws to guard and protect those perfect, ascertained, constitutional rights from the illegal invasion of a bank created by any other State. If this power exists at all, it can be shown, and the authority by which it acts. But not even a reasonable pretense for any such power or authority has been shown. The conclusion must therefore be that Alabama, as an independent foreign State; owing no duty, nor being under any obligation to either of the States by whose corporations she was invaded, was the sole and exclusive judge of what was proper or improper to be done; and consequently had a right to examine and determine whether she could grant a favor to either of those States without injury to herself, unless, indeed, there be a controlling power in this court, derived from some provision of the Constitution of the United States. As none such has been set up, or relied upon in the opinion of the majority of the court, for the present I have a right to conclude that none such exists. And without considering any of the minor points discussed in the argument, or noticed in the opinion, I dismiss the subject.

APPENDIX.

607°] [At the January Term of the Supreme Court, in 1838, the following dissenting opinion was delivered by Mr. Justice Catron, in the case of Amos Kendall, Postmaster-General, v. The United States, on the relation of William B. Stokes and others. The case is reported in 12 Peters's Reports, 527. This opinion was not received from the clerk of the Supreme Court, with the opinions delivered at the January Term, 1838; it was received by the reporter from Mr. Justice Catron, on the 6th of March, 1839. It is inserted in the present volume with the consent of Mr. Justice Catron; and the reporter avails himself of this occasion to record his regret that it had not its place in the twelfth volume of the reports.]

Mr. Justice Catron, dissenting:

In this proceeding of the United States against the Postmaster-General, at the relation of Stockton, Stokes, & Company, I had intended not to intimate that I differed in any respect from the majority, having an aversion to dissenting opinJons, save on constitutional questions. But my two brethren, with whom I agree, having determined to do so, it follows I must express a concurrence with the one side or the other.

On the merits, I think the Senate of the United States and the Solicitor of the Treasury construed the special act of Congress correctly, and that the solicitor's award is a final adjudication, and conclusive of the rights of the relators.

But the question whether the Circuit Court of this district had power to compel the PostmasterGeneral, by mandamus, to enter a credit for the amount awarded, lies at the foundation of our institutions; a question more grave or important rarely arises.

Coercion by the writ of mandamus of the officers and agents of a government, is one of the highest exertions of sovereignty known to the British constitution and common law; it is truly declared to be one of the flowers of the King's Bench (8 Black Com. 110, note), and in England, can only be enforced by that court, where the King formerly sat in person, and is now deemed to be potentially present.

It is his command, in his own name, directed to a court. person, or corporation, to do a particular thing therein specified, which appertained to their office or duty, as a means of compelling its performance. 3 Black. Com. ch. 7. The proceeding there, as here, is in the name of the government, and not 608] that of the relators; it stands on the foot of contempt, and is intended to reform official delinquency.

By the act of Independence, this prerogative and portion of sovereignty, unimpaired, devolved on the different States of this Union; and by the Constitution of the United States, such portion of It as was necessary to coerce the courts, officers, and agents, of the general government, was withdrawn from the States and conferred on the federal sovereignty. Here the power lay dormant until Congress shall act. On the Legislature was imposed the duty to give it effect; it was wide as the land, and extended to every portion of it; and by the Judiciary Act of 1789 (sec. 13), Congress attempted to invest the Supreme Court of the United States with the power to issue writs of mandamus to persons holding office under the authority of the United States. But the Constitution having restricted this court to the exercise of certain original powers, and this not being amongst them, it was holden, in Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch, s0 much of the act was vold. The decision was made In 1803; up to that time Congress and the country did not question that a law existed proper and necessary to give effect to the prerogative through the instrumentality of this court, and that it was properly vested in the highest tribunal in the land, exercising a jurisdiction coextensive with our whole territory. So the matter stood when the Act of the 27th February, 1801, was passed, organizing the Circuit Court for the District of Columbia. And the question is, did Congress, by implication, confer or intend to confer this high prerogative, within the ten miles square, on the

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Circuit Court? That concurrent power with the Supreme Court was intended to be given, it is diffi cult to believe. The power is claimed by the first, third, and fifth sections of the act.

The first section adopts and declares in force the laws of Maryland, as they then existed on the north side of the Potomac.

By the Constitution of the United States, the prerogative to coerce by mandamus federal officers had passed from the State of Maryland to the government of the Union. Her laws and courts, in 1801, were denuded of the power; and as it did not remain with the courts of Maryland, so it was not transferred to the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia. This is deemed settled by M'Cluny v. Silliman, 6 Wheat. 598; 5 Cond. Rep. 197.

And, substantially, the same answers may be given to the argument which relied on the 11th sec tion of the Judiciary Act of 1789, providing that the circuit courts should have original cognizance, concurrent with the courts of the several States, of all suits of a civil nature at common law or in equity.

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Take it that Congress did not extinguish between the cognizance of the courts to draw to them controversies to be litigated; and their powers to coerce obedience to judgments or decrees, and to compel the performance of duties where ascer tained rights existed, still, the section cited cannot help the relators.

1801, did have conferred on it powers "concurrent" Suppose the Circuit Court of the District in with the courts of Maryland: these having [*609 been deprived on the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, of the prerogative to coerce by mandamus officers of the United States, the trict could rise no higher than those of the Maryconcurrent powers of the Circuit Court of the Disland courts. The argument is easily met, by separating the prerogatives and powers passed to the federal government by the Constitution, from those reserved to the States.

The third section of the Act of 27th February,

1801, provides:

"And the said court and the judges thereof, shall have all the powers by law vested in the circuit courts and the judges of the circuit courts of the United States."

Power to issue the writ of mandamus to coerce obedience to a sovereign command, on the petition of a citizen to the sovereignty, is one thing; jurisdiction to try a case at law or in equity, is the exercise of a very different authority. The first enforces the performance of an official duty, by an independent writ, against a person not sued, where the relator shows an ascertained right, as in this instance, where the writ is asked to enforce a decree. The second tries and ascertains the right, and establishes it, by a judgment. But to enforce the judgment by process is the exercise of power; being the means employed to carry the jurisdiction Into execution. So the Judiciary Act of 1789, and subsequent ones conferring jurisdiction and powers on the courts of the United States, declare, and so they have been uniformly construed as the cases of Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch; M'Intyre V. Wood, 7 Cranch, and M Cluny v. Silliman, 6 Wheat., distinctly show, without going farther. They treat of the subject before us, and need no collateral aid.

What, then, are the powers to issue writs and coerce the performance of duties, vested in the cir cult courts of the United States, referred to and adopted by the third section of the District Act of 1801?

By the fourteenth section of the Judiciary Act of 1789, they are declared to have power to issue writs of scire facias, habeas corpus, and all other writs not specially provided for by statute, which may be necessary for the exercise of their respective jurisdictions, and which are agreeable to the principles and usages of law.

The antecedent section having vested in the Supreme Court the prerogative and power to issue writs of mandamus to persons holding office under the authority of the United States, of course the

power was not vested, or intended to be vested in the circuit courts, further than might be necessary for the exercise of the jurisdiction conferred by the eleventh section; and so it was settled by this court in M'Intyre v. Wood.

But, it is insisted, the power is derived from the Judiciary Act of the 13th of February, 1801; to which the Act of the 27th of February, establishing the Circuit Court of the District, must also have had reference; and although the Act of the 13th of February was repealed on the coming in of Mr. Jefferson's administration, in March, 1802; still as the District Act of the 27th of February was not repealed, the act adopted by it became a part 610] thereof, so far as It was adopted; and within the District of Columbia, the powers and Jurisdiction conferred by that of the 13th of February continued in force, notwithstanding the repeal in all other parts of the Union.

Suppose we imply parts of the Act of the 13th of February, 1801, not to have been repealed with in this district; can we found on this implication the additional one that the act conferred on the Circuit Court of the District the high prerogative power to issue writs of mandamus, coercing the secretaries and other officers of the United States to perform their various duties? Did the power exist in the court of this district in 1803, when the Supreme Court brought Mr. Madison, the Secretary of State, before it? That no department of the government, judicial tribunal, or law officer of the United States, so apprehended at that time, or for more than thirty years thereafter, has been abundantly established during the progress of this investigation.

It is admitted, and was so decided in M'Intyre v. Wood, that none other of the circuit courts of the United States, holden by the judges of the Supreme Court, have the power claimed for the court in this district; and that throughout the twenty-six States of the Union, this high prerogative writ cannot be exerted, because Congress, since the decision in 1803 in the case of Marbury v. Madison, has not seen proper to vest it in these inferior tribunals; nor is it matter of surprise when we recollect to what extent the executive departments would have been subjected to the judicial power.

Should we, then, by doubtful implication and a strained construction, apply this highest of judicial powers, in its nature broad as the Union, to this ten miles square?

That the power can only be maintained to exist by implication, and not by express enactment, is admitted on all hands. It never was attempted to be conferred in express terms save on the Supreme Court; and is the construction that invokes it for the Circuit Court of this District a strained one? The tenth section of the repealed Act of the 13th of February, 1801, declares that the circuit courts then established shall have, and are hereby invested with al the powers heretofore granted by law to the Circuit Courts of the United States, unless otherwise provided by this act."

There is no repealing clause to the act. The section quoted refers directly to the fourteenth section of the Act of 1789, for the powers common to all the circuit courts of the Union. They have stood unaltered, and been recognized, with slight exceptions, as the sole powers by which the juris diction of the circuit courts has been enforced, from the year 1789 to this time.

It is insisted, however, that the jurisdiction conferred on the Circuit Court by the 11th section of the repealed Act of the 13th of February, 1801, 1 much broader than that given to them by the eleventh section of the Act of 1789; that the Act of 1801 covers the whole ground of the Constitution. This is certainly true, but the fifth section of the Act of the 27th of February, 1801, declaring what matters shall be cognizable in the Circuit Court for the District of Columbia, confers jurisdiction quite as comprehensive. Its cog. 611] nizance, or jurisdiction "to hold plea, extends to all crimes and offenses, and to all cases In law and equity, provided the defendant be found in the district. Thus, as the eleventh sec tions of the Act of 1789, and the 13th of February, 1801, each have reference to the exercise of jurisdiction in suits or actions between litigant parties, or over matters in some form brought before the court to try and ascertain a contested right, it would be a most unnatural construction to hold; as I think that the phrase, "cognizance of all cases in law and equity," authorized the court to assume the high power of coercing by mandamus one of the Becretaries or the Postmaster-General, to the performance of some specific public duty, in case

of an ascertained right, by force of the strong arm of sovereign power, because he was a public offcer, and who was not a suitor in court, or party to a case in law or equity.

What is this proceeding? The relators applied to a tribunal where a portion of sovereignty was supposed to have been vested, stated their ascertained right, and made their complaint that an ordinary remedy was wanting to enforce the right, and asked the representative of sovereignty for the ald of the writ, and the exertion of Its power, in the name of the United States, on one of its great of ficers to compel him to do his duty, to prevent a failure of justice. This is the nature of the demand and the writ awarded for its enforcement. 1 Cranch, 168.

In no just sense can this writ of mandamus be deemed a case at law between the United States and the Postmaster-General. It differs in no material feature from a writ of attachment issued by a court against one of its officers, where he refuses to perform an official duty. That it is not "a case' between the relators and the Postmaster-General, was decided by this court in M'Cluny v. Silliman. There the relator set forth that he was a citizen of one State, and the register of the land-office in Ohio of another, and therefore proper parties were before the court, "who, under the description of person, were entitled to maintain suits in the courts of the United States." To which the court responded that the application in that instance for the writ of mandamus, as in the one referred to of M'Intyre v. Wood, 7 Cranch, 504, "were wholly uninfluenced by any considerations drawn from the want of personal attributes of the parties." Holding in substance, as the undoubted truth is, that the mandamus was not a private remedy to the relator, but the exertion, at his request, of a prerogative and attribute of sovereignty through the instrumentality of a court of justice, for the sake of good government, and to prevent an abuse of its authority by those acting at its command. Taken in this sense, the decision in M'Cluny v. Silliman is easily understood: viewed in any other, it is involved in all the confusion attributed to it by the argument and the opinion of the court below.

Another consideration prominently presents itself. Congress has jurisdiction, exclusive of the several States, over this district of ten miles square; and so Congress has exclusive jurisdiction over the territories of the United States; and upon the courts of these, as upon the courts [612 of this district, the jurisdiction and powers of the State courts, of which the territories were formerly a part, have been conferred: and, in addition thereto, the territorial courts have been invested with the jurisdiction and powers of the circuit courts of the United States. There are two territories, the courts of which are now exercising such general jurisdiction and powers-Florida and Wisconsin. These courts, having coextensive powers with that of the District of Columbia. It follows if the sovereign prerogative to exert the writ of mandamus to coerce executive officers of the United States pertains to the one court it must to the others; and that Congress has, by implication, intrusted to the courts of the two territories named, as well as to the court of this district, powers that have been unquestionably withholden from the federal circuit courts of the twenty-six States. To say Congress never so intended, and if the power exists it was conferred by an oversight in the Legislature, is perhaps asserting what few would be found to deny. The truth (there can be little room for doubt) is, that Congress has been unwilling to expose the action of the government in the administration of its vast and complicated affairs, and its officers, who have charge of their management, to the danger and indignity of being coerced and controlled at the ill-defined discretion of the inferior courts by the writ of mandamus; and that after the decision of Marbury v. Madison in 1803, holding that the Supreme Court had not the power thus to coerce an officer of the United States, It has been permitted to lie dormant, awaiting the action of the Legislature. The supposition is rendered highly probable, when we consider the delicacy its exercise would necessarily involve, and the difficulty of vesting so high and extensive a power in the inferlor courts, and especially in those of this district, in a modified and safe form.

Such being my own opinion, I think the order awarding the mandamus against the Postmaster General should be reversed. for want of Jurisdic tion in the court below to issue the writ.

OF

CASES

ARGUED AND ADJUDGED IN

THE

Supreme Court of The United States,

IN JANUARY TERM, 1840.

BY RICHARD PETERS.

Counselor at Law, and Reporter of the Decisions of the Supreme
Court of the United States.

VOL XIV'

21

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