of the President. These constitutional rights of Congress must not be impaired by any agreements such as are presented in this treaty, nor can any opportunity of charging the United States with bad faith be permitted. No American soldiers or sailors must be sent to fight in other lands at the bidding of a league of nations. American lives must not be sacrificed except by the will and command of the American people acting through their constitutional representatives in Congress. This reservation also covers the subject of mandates. According to the provisions of the covenant of the league the acceptance of a mandate by any member is voluntary, but as to who shall have authority to refuse or to accept a mandate for any country the covenant of the league is silent. The decision as to accepting a mandate must rest exclusively within the control of the Congress of the United States as the reservation provides and must not be delegated, even by inference, to any personal agent or to any delegate or commissioner. "3. The United States reserves to itself exclusively the right to decide what questions are within its domestic jurisdiction, and declares that all domestic and political questions relating to its affairs, including immigration, coastwise traffic, the tariff, commerce, and all other domestic questions, are solely within the jurisdiction of the United States and are not under this treaty submitted in any way either to arbitration or to the consideration of the council or of the assembly of the league of nations, or to the decision or recommendation of any other power." This reservation speaks for itself. It is not necessary to follow out here all tortuous windings, which to those who have followed them through the labyrinth disclose the fact that the league under certain conditions will have power to pass upon and decide questions of immigration and tariff, as well as the others mentioned in the reservation. It is believed by the committee that this reservation relieves the United States from any dangers or any obligations in this direction. The fourth and last reservation is as follows: "4. The United States declines to submit for arbitration or inquiry by the assembly or the council of the league of nations provided for in said treaty of peace any questions which in the judgment of the United States depend upon or relate to its long-established policy, commonly known as the Monroe Doctrine; said doctrine is to be interpreted by the United States alone, and is hereby declared to be wholly outside the jurisdiction of said league of nations and entirely unaffected by any provision contained in the said treaty of peace with Germany." The purpose of this reservation is clear. It is intended to preserve the Monroe doctrine from any interference or interpretation by foreign powers. As the Monroe doctrine has protected the United States, so, it is believed by the committee, will this reservation protect the Monroe doctrine from the destruction with which it is threatened by article 21 in the covenant of the league and leave it, where it has always been, within the sole and complete control of the United States. This covenant of the league of nations is an alliance and not a league, as is amply shown by the provisions of the treaty with Germany which vests all essential power in five great nations. Those same nations, the principal allied and associated powers, also dominate the league through the council. The committee believe that the league as it stands will breed wars instead of securing peace. They also believe that the covenant of the league demands sacrifices of American independence and sovereignty which would in no way promote the world's peace but which are fraught with the gravest dangers to the future safety and well being of the United States. The amendments and reservations alike are governed by a single purpose and that is to guard American rights and American sovereignty, the invasion of which would stimulate breaches of faith, encourage conflicts, and generate wars. The United States can serve the cause of peace best, as she has served it in the past, and do more to secure liberty and civilization throughout the world by proceeding along the paths she has always followed and by not permitting herself to be fettered by the dictates of other nations or immersed and entangled in all the broils and conflicts of Europe. We have heard it frequently said that the United States "must" do this and do that in regard to this league of nations and the terms of the German peace. There is no "must" about it. "Must" is not a word to be used by foreign nations or domestic officials to the American people or their representatives. Equally unfitting is the attempt to frighten the unthinking by suggesting that if the Senate adopts amendments or reservations the United States may be excluded from the league. That is the one thing that certainly will not happen. The other nations know well that there is no threat of retaliation possible with the United States because we have asked nothing for ourselves and have received nothing. We seek no guarantees, no territory, no commercial benefits or advantages. The other nations will take us on our own terms for without us their league is a wreck and all their gains from a victorious peace are imperiled. We exact nothing selfish for ourselves but we insist that we shall be the judges, and the only judges, as to the preservation of our rights, our sovereignty, our safety, and our independence. At this moment the United States is free from any entanglements or obligations which legally or in the name of honor would compel her to do anything contrary to the dictates of conscience or to the freedom and the interests of the American people. This is the hour when we can say precisely what we will do and exactly what we will not do, and no man can ever question our good faith if we speak now. When we are once caught in the meshes of a treaty of alliance or a league of nations composed of 26 other powers our freedom of action is gone. To preserve American independence and American sovereignty and thereby best serve the welfare of mankind the committee propose these amendments and reservations. 196. REPORT OF THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ON THE TREATY OF PEACE WITH GERMANY: MINORITY VIEWS, SEPTEMBER 11, 1919 (EXCERPT) 1 The reservations proposed by the majority of this committee are of such a character as at once betray their authorship. They are the work of Senators organized for the purpose of destroying the league and if possible defeating this treaty. Their phraseology is such as make this purpose plain. They are in no sense interpretative reservations to be used to make clear language in the treaty that might be considered doubtful, but they are so framed as to receive the support of Senators who desire the defeat of the treaty. While masquerading in the guise of reservations they are in fact alterations of the treaty. They have all the vices of amendments and the additional vice of pretending to be what they are not. Presented as parts of the resolution to ratify the treaty they would in fact, if adopted, result in its defeat. All of them apply to the league of nations section of the treaty. Those who oppose the league of nations realize that it is invincible on a square fight and they hope to destroy it by this indirection. The league of nations has stood the test of world-wide criticism and unlimited attack. It stands to-day as the only hope for world peace. After all the assaults of many months its purposes and provisions stand out clearly defined, unaffected by criticism, and unyielding to attack. THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS The league of nations proposes to organize the nations of the world. for peace whereas they have always heretofore been organized for It proposes to establish the rule of international justice in place of force. It proposes to make a war of conquest impossible by uniting all nations against the offender. war. It is the first international arrangement ever made by which small and weak nations are given the organized strength of the world for protection. It is a covenant between many nations by which each agrees not to do certain things which in the past have produced wars and to do many things which have been found to preserve the peace. It is a working plan for the gradual reduction of armament by all members simultaneously in proper proportion and by agreement. It sets up arbitration as a friendly method of adjusting disputes and inquiry when arbitration is not agreed to. In both cases it provides a cooling-off period of nine months during which the differences may be adjusted. It preserves the territorial integrity and political independence of each member and leaves to each the exercise of its sovereign rights as a nation. It will save the world from wars and preparations for wars. It will reduce armies and navies and taxes. 1 U. S. Congress. Senate. Report No. 176, pt. 2, 66th Congress, 1st session. It will help to remove the discontent with government in all countries by making government beneficent and devoting its revenues to constructive rather than to destructive purposes. It is the only plan proposed to redeem the world from war, pestilence and famine. The only one by which a stricken world can be redeemed from the disasters of the late war and the dangers of impending international chaos. Those who dally and delay as they seek with microscopes to find some petty flaw in its structure have nothing themselves to propose. They have appealed to every prejudice and resorted to every desperate method of attack to destroy this great international effort to establish peace, but they suggest nothing in its place. They denounce the public demand for energetic action as "clamor." They rail at the President who with the representatives of many other nations has devoted months of hard work to a great constructive effort to settle the terms and reorganize the world for peace. Finally, unable to stem the tide of public demand for the league of nations they resort to so-called reservations in the hope that they can destroy by indirection what they have found unassailable by direct attack. We renew our recommendation that the work of the peace conference be confirmed, the will of the people fulfilled, and the peace of the world advanced by the ratification of this treaty-"the best hope of the world"-even if like all human instrumentalities it be not divinely perfect in every detail. GILBERT M. HITCHCOCK. 197. RESOLUTION OF RATIFICATION OF TREATY OF VERSAILLES, REJECTED BY SENATE, MARCH 19, 1920 1 Resolved (two-thirds of the Senators present concurring therein), That the Senate advise and consent to the ratification of the Treaty of Peace with Germany concluded at Versailles on the 28th day of June, 1919, subject to the following reservations and understandings, which are hereby made a part and condition of this resolution of ratification, which ratification is not to take effect or bind the United States until the said reservations and understandings adopted by the Senate have been accepted as a part and a condition of this resolution of ratification by the Allied and Associated Powers and a failure on the part of the Allied and Associated Powers to make objection to said reservations and understandings prior to the deposit of ratification by the United States shall be taken as a full and final acceptance of such reservations and understandings by said Powers: 1. The United States so understands and construes Article 1 that in case of notice of withdrawal from the League of Nations, as provided in said Article, the United States shall be the sole judge as to whether all its international obligations and all its obligations under the said Covenant have been fulfilled, and notice of withdrawal by the United States may be given by a concurrent resolution of the Congress of the United States. Congressional Record, Vol. 59, 66th Congress, 2d session, p. 4599. 2. The United States assumes no obligation to preserve the territorial integrity or political independence of any other country by the employment of its military or naval forces, its resources, or any form of economic discrimination, or to interfere in any way in controversies between nations, including all controversies relating to territorial integrity or political independence, whether members of the League or not, under the provisions of Article 10, or to employ the military or naval forces of the United States, under any article of the treaty for any purpose, unless in any particular case the Congress, which, under the Constitution, has the sole power to declare war or authorize the employment of the military or naval forces of the United States, shall, in the exercise of full liberty of action, by act or joint resolution so provide. 3. No mandate shall be accepted by the United States under Article 22, Part 1, or any other provision of the Treaty of Peace with Germany, except by action of the Congress of the United States. 4. The United States reserves to itself exclusively the right to decide what questions are within its domestic jurisdiction and declares that all domestic and political questions relating wholly or in part to its internal affairs, including immigration, labor, coastwise traffic, the tariff, commerce, the suppression of traffic in women and children and in opium and other dangerous drugs, and all other domestic questions, are solely within the jursidiction of the United States and are not under this treaty to be submitted in any way either to arbitration or to the consideration of the Council or of the Assembly of the League of Nations, or any agency thereof, or to the decision or recommendation of any other power. 5. The United States will not submit to arbitration or to inquiry by the Assembly or by the Council of the League of Nations, provided for in said Treaty of Peace, any questions which in the judgment of the United States depend upon or relate to its long-established policy, commonly known as the Monroe Doctrine; said doctrine is to be interpreted by the United States alone and is hereby declared to be wholly outside the jurisdiction of said League of Nations and entirely unaffected by any provision contained in the said Treaty of Peace with Germany. 6. The United States withholds its assent to Articles 156, 157, and 158, and reserves full liberty of action with respect to any controversy which may arise under said articles. 7. No person is or shall be authorized to represent the United States, nor shall any citizen of the United States be eligible, as a member of any body or agency established or authorized by said Treaty of Peace with Germany, except pursuant to an act of the Congress of the United States providing for his appointment and defining his powers and duties. 8. The United States understands that the reparation commission will regulate or interfere with exports from the United States to Germany, or from Germany to the United States, only when the United States by act or joint resolution of Congress approves such regulation or interference. 9. The United States shall not be obligated to contribute to any expenses of the League of Nations, or of the secretariat, or of any commission, or committee, or conference, or other agency, organized |