Rupture with the United States-Proceedings in Parliament TH HE nation was now greatly relieved from thofe portents, which had affected not only its welfare, but its very being. The menaced invafion from France was no longer thought of, nor is it likely that it was ever seriously intended. The people were again at leisure to attend to the conduct which parliament would purfue when it fhould be affembled. It was for the legislative body to decide in the contest between government and the people, and the interests of the latter were likely to be regarded by a Houfe of Commons, which was in the immediate view of refigning its delegated functions. As it was hot the intention of government to gratify the people, it became neceffary to provide the means of defeating their applications, for which purpose the parliament was suddenly diffolved, and a new one fuminoned to meet on the 31st of October, 1780. The terms on which this country ftood with the Dutch had long been latently inimical. The reftraints which their carrying trade had been laid under in the laft war, at which they murmured, but which they dared not refent, had not been carried to the fame feverities in the prefent ftate of hoftilities. The partiality which that republic, particularly the province of Amfterdam, fhewed to the interefts of France as well as to thofe of America, were feen with great diffatisfaction by the court of London, Many 4 Many attempts had been made by American agents to nes gotiate a loan in Holland, which had not proved fuccefsful, but the outlines of a commercial treaty had been feeretly adjufted in September 1778, at Aix la Chapelle, by the orders and inftructions of M. Van Berkel, counfellor and penfionary of the city of Amfterdam, with a commiffioner on the part of the Congrefs. The affiftance which the Dutch might be brought to render to America, either in an open or private manner, if a respectable perfonage, properly empowered by Congrefs, fhould refide at Amfterdam, induced Mr. Laurens, the Prefident of that Congrefs, to undertake to tranfact the concerns of America with that republic; but on his voyage, the ship in which he failed was captured by an Englifh frigate, and the American Prefident being brought to London, was committed to the Tower. All his papers, which he had committed to the fea as foon as his fate was afcertained, happening to be recovered, were expofed to the infpection of the British cabinet. The difcoveries which they made, determined the court of London no longer to keep any terms with the United States, and on the 20th of December, 1780, a royal manifefto was published which amounted to a declaration of war, and letters of marque and reprifal were foon after iflued. This conduct certainly implied, that the open enmity of the Dutch was lefs to be. dreaded than their occult differvices. Farther, by this declaration of hoftilities, the republic was rendered incapable of acceding to the armed neutrality, by which the northern powers would have become in a manner guarantees for its protection and fecurity. For a kingdom already overwhelmed with foes, to denounce war against another, ftate, appeared to be a measure fo fingularly bold and big with danger, that it could only be, juftified by the plea of fate-neceffity which had been urged on a variety of occafions, ་ D d 2 I cafions, and implicitly admitted. To qualify this meafure it must be obferved, that fuch a radical defect had long prevailed in the government and genius of the Dutch, that the maritime force poffeffed by that republic feems to have funk in a like proportion to the advancement of the ftrength of this country. A well informed politician *, feveral years ago, pronounced the Dutch commonwealth to be in a state of diffolution; and not to have, either without or within herself, thofe means of recovery, by conjunctures and by character, that she has had on feveral occafions, from the time her government was first formed,' When the new Parliament affembled, after the Christmas recefs, Mr. Burke attempted again to introduce his plan of economy, but with worfe fuccefs than the preceding feffion. In the courfe of his fpeech upon this occafion, he afferted, that the King of France had abolished 606 ufelefs offices, by which reduction he had provided himself with the means for carrying on the war, without laying a fingle additional tax upon the people. a The French minister of finance had delivered to the King his mafter, about that time, an ample detail of the reformations he had introduced, and pointed out a variety of means by which the ftate might be effentially benefited in future. It was a new thing in France, for a full, clear, and explicit ftate of the finances to be laid before the people, and it may aftonish an Englishman to hear the French minifter declare," that the public Bank of France has never been in advance on account of government; but the royal treasury has conftantly a capital in bank of fome millions (of livres). This bank, therefore, has not been of any direct utility to the royal treasury, and the intereft of government in the fuccefs of its eftablishment, has been no other Lord Bolingbrokeg than than the profperity of commerce, the moderating the intereft of money, and giving a greater activity to circulation."Such probably will never be the ftate of affairs in this country. The Exchequer is never likely to become " the great spring of public credit, and the great fcene of all tranfactions relative to public receipts and payments." The monied intereft commands even government itself; the public, like an extravagant spendthrift, being obliged to deal with usurers on their own terms, although the landed men are the true owners of the political veffel, the monied men, as fuch, are no more than paffengers in it. Sir George Saville prefented a petition, figned by thirtytwo freeholders of the confederated counties, known by the name of Delegates, which was rejected, on the ground that a petition figned by thirty-two perfons on fuch a national concern, carried no apparent weight or importance, and the idea of thofe gentlemen being delegated by feveral Counties in England, could not be admitted, because the conftitution knows no fuch body of men as county delegates, except those within the walls of the Houfe of Commons.→→ So different is the language used at the commencement and towards the clofe of a Parliament! In this ftruggle between government and the people, it may be remarked, that the principles on which the party diftinctions of Whig and Tory had been founded, feem to have been loft, and those who still choose to be known by such names, had apparently changed fides; for, if, as a learned Metropolitan obferved in the House of Lords, the conduct of the Whigs was not whigifm, but whigifm run mad, a like phrenfy may be faid to have feized the Tories. The principles of toryifm ninety years ago, and from thence down to the prefent reign, were utterly repugnant to a corrupt influence of the Crown in the two Houses of Par Dd 3 liament liament. If it be faid, that the body of the Whigs are now as clamorous against the power of Parliament, as they were formerly against the power of the crown, and that the Tories are as yielding to the increafe of influence which the, crown has acquired, as they were formerly to the claims of prerogative, it may be answered, that ftill the political principles to which each are attached, are very different from those which divided their forefathers. The Whigs, when they fupported the power of Parliament, meant to form a barrier against the encroachments of regal power, and every Tory will furely admit, that the influence of the crown is very different from the power of the crown. The diftinguishing characteristics of each party, are, at length, loft in the changes incidental to human affairs, and one, grand and important national object now ought to engage the. public attention. It is indeed high time that all party. names fhould be done away; they ferve only to narrow and, degrade the fentiments and views of mankind, and the times render it neceflary that new diftinctions fhould take, place, not as badges of petulance and ill-will, or of fuch a, nature as that the virtuous, the good, and the wife, may. arrange themselves under either, as education, prejudices,. and family attachments influence them, but fuch diftinc-; tions as muft in their very nature difcriminate between the lover of his country, and the betrayer of it. The nation, at this time, ought to be divided into thofe who claim from, their reprefentatives, and from the legislation in general,, a provident expenditure of the public money, and a fincere, ftrenuous and judicious attention to introduce an univerfal, fyftem of economy, and thofe felf-interested and rapacious harpies, who become important by the fpoils of their country. The public fervice of the year 1781 called for 22,458,3374 |