Until the felect committee of Lord Clive had the direc tion of affairs, the civil and military expences of the Company at Bengal had never exceeded 700,000l. The next year, 1766, they came up to 900,000l. and so on, gradually, till at length, in 1771, they amounted to 1,800,0001. fterling. This detail clearly demonftrated, that a commiffion of able and upright men, vefted with juft power and authority, might fave the Company fums, against which the expence of the supervisors would weigh but light in the scale. The counsel contended, that the Company claimed a right of managing their own concerns by the powers vested in them by their charter, and likewise in return for signal fervices which they had rendered to the nation. Thus the evidence given in at the bar, and the pleading of counsel, ferved to establish facts which were not before doubted, namely, the great delinquency of the Company's fervants; but they did not tend to confirm the belief, that the Company was competent to the redress of these abuses, especially as the select committee at Calcutta, from whence thefe enormities had sprung, was formed for the purpose of correcting such evils. The important queftion was, whether the prefent exigency and imbecillity of the Company, were fuch as warranted the interpofition of parliament. Lord George Germain acknowledged the bill to be a great stretch of parliamentary authority, and not to be juftifiable but by the most cogent neceffity, which precedes all other law; but he faw, in that inftance, the neceffity preffing upon the house to interfere, in the clearest manner, Lord John Cavendish was of a different opinion, He faid, when extraordinary remedies become the ordinary en gines of government, you may be affured you have a weak ministry. Men of fuperior, and even of common abilities, foresee, and endeavour to prevent great evils; and if, in the Auctuation of human events, such evils should nevertheless arife, they know how to remove them, without offering violence to the general fyftem; to thofe facred institutions, which are to human fociety, what gravitation is to the con→ ftitution of the universe. On this occafion Mr. Burke difplayed all thofe rare qualities of the head and heart, with which he is so eminently gifted. He observed, that in 1767 parliament took the state of the Eaft-India Company's trade and revenue into confideration, for the doing which five reasons were affigned.— The maintenance of the public faith-The fupport of public credit-The increase of the Company's trade-The increase of its revenues and the fecurity of the ftockholders. This grand and falutary plan was entered upon. Books upon books, and papers upon papers, were brought up, and piled upon the table. The subject was confidered and reconfidered; debate fucceeded debate, and refolution followed refolution. One and forty times did the house fit on this bufinefs, and more than once till four o'clock in the morning. What was the refult? Quid ferat hic tantum dignum promiffor hiatu? What did this mountain in labour bring forth? No mouse truly, but a fair round sum of 400,000 1. a year to government. In this manner did parliament provide for the maintenance of the public faith, and the fupport of public credit! In this manner did parliament increase the Company's trade and revenue, and give security to the stockholders! When the Company came down handfomely, and furnished a reasonable fum to pay off the arrears of the civil lift, arrears so honourably and usefully contracted, the five reasons were forgot. The eyes of parliament liament were dazzled, and could no longer fee how to make any regulations for securing the permanence and stability of that lucrative bargain which it had made. The Company, without the aid of precedent, without the light of experience, without chart or compafs, was allowed to fteer at random through this perilous ocean. What wonder that they loft their courfe! The wonder would have been, if affifted by no lights, but by thofe communicated by fervants, interested through the fear of past embezzlement, and the hope of future peculation, to mislead, they had not been bewildered and loft. The diftrefs of the Company arifes from the improvidence of administration, and the short-fightednefs of parliament, in not forming for it a fyftem of government fuitable to its form and conftitution. He added, Or am I mistaken? Were the affairs of the Company defignedly left in confufion? Were the directors left without any effectual control over delinquent fervants? Was the collection of the revenues left without any check? Was the tyranny of a double government, like our double cabinet, tolerated, with a view of seeing the concerns of the Company become an abfolute chaos of diforder, and of giving government a handle for feizing the territorial revenue? I know that this was the original scheme of administration, and I violently fufpect that it never has been relinquished. If the miniftry have no finifter view, if they do not mean by this unconftitutional ftep to extend the influence of the crown, they will now speak out, and explicitly declare their intentions. Their filence may be justly conftrued into a confeffion of fuch a design, and they will thenceforth be confidered as the determined enemies of the liberty of their country. God knows, that the places and pensions, and expectancies furnished by the British establishment, are too powerful for the small remains of patriotism and public spirit that remain in our ifland. What then will become of us, us, if Bengal, if the Ganges, pour in a new tide of corruption? Should the evil genius of British liberty so ordain it, I fear this house will be fo far from removing the corruption of the East, that it will be corrupted by it. I dread more from the infection of that place, than I hope from the virtue of this house. Was it not the fudden plunder of the Eaft that gave the final blow to the freedom of Rome? What reafon have we to expect a better fate? I conjure you by every thing which man ought to hold facred; I conjure you by the spirits of your forefathers, who fo nobly fought and bled for the caufe for which I now plead; I conjure you by what includes every thing, by your country, not to yield to the temptations which the Eaft in the hands of the crown holds out, not to fink into the gulph of corruption, and to drag after you your pofterity, your country. I obteft heaven and earth, that in all places, and at all times, I have hitherto shoved by the gilded hand of corruption, and endeavoured to ftem the torrent which threatens to overwhelm this land. Upon the whole, the bill is dangerous in itself, as being the first step towards a total invasion of the Company's territories in Bengal; and, fhould we admit the motives which lead to it to be good, yet fuch a step is dangerous as a precedent. I do not, however, deny that the house has power to pass it, but you have not the right. There is a perpetual confufion in gentlemen's ideas from inattention to this material diftinction; from which, properly confidered, it will appear, that this bill is contrary to the eternal laws of right and wrong, laws that ought to bind all men, and above all men, legislative affemblies! Upon a divifion the bill paffed one hundred and fifty-three to twenty-eight. In the house of Lords it met with a faint oppofition, but was productive of a proteft, in which, among many other reafons affigned, it was oppofed, because it appears that the company were not only authorised by law, but bound in duty, to appoint a commiffion for regulating their affairs and correcting abuses. It might have been alledged against the company, that non-ufer and neglect of applying legal powers, for the ends for which fuch powers were given, were matters of delinquency in that corporation, and might have fubjected them to procefs in the courts below, or to an adverse proceeding in parliament. It is a government, the protefters conceive, full of deceit as well as violence, where men are to be punished if they decline, or to be reftrained if they endeavour to exercife their lawful powers. The bill paffed by twenty-fix to fix. No fooner was this business despatched, than the two houses adjourned for the Christmas recefs. When the parliament was re-affembled, the Hon. Mr. Thomas Townshend moved * for an enquiry into an expedition which had been made against the Carribbean Indians, dwelling on the Ifland of St. Vincent, in the Weft Indies. This Ifland, together with thofe of St. Lucia and Dominica, had been formerly confidered, both by us and the French, as neutral, and the natives as lawful poffeffors of the foil. When St. Vincent's became fubject to Great-Britain, at the peace of Fontainbleau, the French planters had settled in the northern, or leeward parts, whilft the native Carribbeans occupied the windward, or fouthern, diftricts. * January 25, 1773. When |