stopping prosecutions by their vote, and consequently of resolving the law of the land into their will and pleasure. The imprudence, and indeed the absolute madness of these measures demonstrates not the result of that assembly's calm, unbiass ed deliberations, but the dictates of weak, uninformed ministers, influenced by those who mislead the sovereign. It is impossi of the cor.t; the decision of that election; the murders of St. George's-fields; the refusal of the Commons to enquire into these murders, and into the conduct of those who advised his Majesty to bestow thanks and rewards upon the persons immediately concerned; the payment of the immense debt contracted by the crown, without inspecting any account; all these circumstances had justly alarmed the na-ble that a grave, and once venerable body tion, and made them uncommonly attentive to the operations of parliament. Hence the publication of the parliamentary debates. And where was the injury, if the members acted upon honest principles? For a public assembly to be afraid of having their deliberations published, is monstrous, and speaks for itself. No mortal can construe such a procedure to their advantage: it, and the practice of locking the doors, are sufficient to open the eyes of the blind; they must see that all is not well within. Not satisfied, however, with shutting their doors, the Commons would overturn the liberty of the press. The printers had spirit, and resisted. The irritated Commons exerted their privilege above the laws of the land, and their servants acted illegally in the execution of their illegal orders. The magistrates of London undertook the cause of the printers, and the protection of the laws, and of the city's franchises. The Commons still proceeded with the same outrageous violence. They called upon the magistrates to justify their conduct, and would not suffer them to be heard by counsel. These men, who had allowed the prostitute electors of Shoreham counsel to defend a bargain to sell their borough by auction, would not grant the same indulgence to the lord mayor of London, pleading for the laws of England, and the conscientious discharge of his duty. Accordingly they committed him to the Tower for not violating his oath. The most sacred obligation of morality and religion they voted criminal, when it happened to stand in competition with their assumed privileges.-Their next step Was the act of a mob, and not of a parliament. I mean the recognizance entered We have heard of such violence committed by the French king; and seems much better calculated for the latitude of Paris than of London. The people of this kingdom will never submit to such bare-faced tyranny. They must see that it is time to rouse, when their own creatures dare to assume a power of at Guildhall. it of men, if left to itself, should have converted government into a scuffle with a single individual. Were the Commons not absolute slaves to the man who holds the golden keys of the Treasury, they could never have rendered the very name of parliament ridiculous, by carrying on a constant war against Mr. Wilkes. To them it is entirely owing that he is become a person of consequence in the state. They first made him representative for Middlesex, and then alderman of London. Now they seem determined to make him sheriff, and in due course, lord mayor. When he set their authority at defiance, in the case of the printers, they repeatedly declared him amenable to their jurisdiction, and actually served him with more than one order to attend. Upon being found refractory, they shamefully gave up the point; after punishing the chief magistrate of the city, they suffered him to escape with impunity, and, in the face of the world, acknowledged him to be their lord and master. Not that I My lords; matters being thus circumstanced, the Commons being both odious and contemptible, there remains but one possible remedy for the evil. In order to save the name and institution of parliament from ruin, the Commons must, according to the earnest request of a majority of the electors of England, and the wish of almost all the nation, be dissolved. This step may restore good humour and tranquillity on the one hand, and good government on the other. imagine this act alone sufficient. No; I have no such sanguine expectation; I suspect it will prove but a temporary and partial remedy. The influence of the crown is become so enormous, that some stronger bulwark must be erected for the defence of the constitution. The Act for constituting septennial parliaments must be repealed. Formerly the inconveniences attending short parliaments had great weight with me; but now we are not debating upon a question of convenience: our all is at stake: our whole constitution is giving way; and therefore,.with the most deli- | pose this alarming warfare; and that, in berate and solemn conviction, I declare order to prevent the said House and the myself a convert to triennial parliaments.* nation from being involved in intemperate Influenced by all these considerations, I discussions of undefined powers, which, in move your lordships, "That an humble the extreme, may endanger the constitu Address be presented to his Majesty, most tion, and tend to shake the tranquillity of dutifully and earnestly beseeching his the kingdom, his Majesty will be gra Majesty, that, under the late violations of ciously pleased to recur to the recent sense the rights of the electors of Great Britain, of his people, by dissolving, after the end in the election for Middlesex, still unre- of this session, the present parliament, and dressed, and in the present conflict which calling, with convenient dispatch, a new has so unhappily arisen between the claims parliament:" of privilege of the House of Commons on one side, and those of magistracy on the other, his Majesty will, in his paternal wisdom, deign to open the way to com * At a common council holden in the chamber of the Guildhall of the city of London, ou Friday the 7th of April, 1780: a member pre sented to the court an extract of a Letter from the late earl of Chatham to the late earl Temple, dated April 17, 1771, which was read, and ordered to be entered in the Journals of the court, as follows: "Allow a speculator, in a great chair, to add, that a plan for more equal representation, by additional knights of the shire, seems highly seasonable; and to shorten the duration of parliament not less so. If your lordship should approve, could lord Lyttelton's caution be brought to taste those ideas, we should take possession of strong ground, let who will decline to follow us. One line of men, I am assured, will zealously support, and a respecta ble weight of law. 'Si quid novisti rectius istis candidus imperti.'" Signed by order of the Court. RIX. Another anecdote of lord Chatham upon this subject is given by the earl of Buchan, in his character of Thomson, the poet : "The highest encomium of Thomson is to be given him on account of his attachment to the cause of civil and political liberty. A free constitution of government, or what I would beg leave to call the autocracy of the people, is the panacea of moral diseases; and after having been sought for in vain for ages, has been discovered in the bosom of truth, and at the feet of philosophy; the printing-press has been the dispensary, and half the world have been voluntary patients of the healing remedy. "Eighteen years after Thomson's death, the late lord Chatham agreed with me in making this remark; and when I said, But, Sir, what will become of poor England, that doats on the imperfections of her pretended constitution?' he replied, My dear lord, the gout 'will dispose of me soon enough to prevent me from feeling the consequences of this infatua 'tion. But before the end of this century either the parliament will reform itself from within, or be reformed with a vengeance from 'without." After long debate, the question was pat thereupon, and resolved in the negative, by 72 against 23. Report of the Committee of the House of Commons respecting the Riots and Tumults in the Avenues leading to the House.] May 8. Mr. Seymour reported from the Committee, appointed, upon the 28th of March last, to enquire into the Causes and Occasions of the Riots and Tumults of the persons who assembled on several days, in the Avenues leading to this House, and attacked the persons of the members coming to attend their duty in parliament; that the Committee had enquired accordingly, and had directed him to report a State of the Evidence to the House; and he read the Report in his place; and afterwards delivered it in at the Clerk's table; loweth ; where the same was read; and is as fol “Saunders Welch, esq. a justice of the peace, said, he attended at the House, on Wednesday the 27th of March, when the mob was very disorderly, hooting and applauding the members alternately-that he attentively examined the mob, but did not know any one person; from whence he conjectures that they came from the eastern part of the town-that there ap peared to be management in their dispo sition, being drawn up 8 or 10 deep; and the pelting came from those in the hindermost ranks, who were concealed by the persons in front-that the magistrates made use of both threats and persuasions to disperse the mob, but without any fect; nor was any impression made, till some gentlemen came down with the sheriffs; upon whose interposition great numtolerable quiet during the remainder of bers of the mob went away, and all was the day-that he saw no other act of violence but pelting with dirt, nor observed any person particularly active, except a tall man in white, and a short man dressed in blue, who appeared to ef [226 be directors of the mob; but they stood withstanding which, he was committed to in a place where it was almost impos- the Gate-house, and afterwards bailedsible to come at them that one man that he saw no violence offered to any was taken up on the steps of the court member but lord North; and that one of King's-bench, who was brought after-Housely was apprehended for having a wards to Guildhall, and committed to the piece of lord North's hat, but afterwards disGate-house. That he thinks four fifths of charged; and one Manning, a shoemaker, them went away when the sheriffs came is now in prison, but does not know any down; but that he did not see any par- particular fact. That he made it the obticular signal for their departure. That ject of his attention to find out if the mob he knows of no liquor or provisions car- were under the discipline of any particular ried to the mob; but there was some leaders, but could see nothing like it; and bread and cheese and beer given to the thinks he should have discovered it, had constables. That there are but 80 con- there been any such thing-that the hissstables for the city and liberty of West-ings and shouts were general, from whence minster, who are appointed by the deputy high steward and burgesses; and that people of the better sort usually hire men of mean condition to officiate for them-that he thinks the number of constables insufficient; and that it is impossible to collect the whole number together; but it would be more easy to collect them, if they were not suffered to hire deputies. That there was an execution at Tyburn on the 27th of March, which he looked upon as an unfortunate circumstance, many of the mob coming from thence to Westminster that the constables came likewise from Tyburn, and complained of the hardness of their duty; and that he thinks an additional number of constables will tend to the preservation of the peace. "Charles Marsh, esq. another justice of the peace, confirmed the evidence of Mr. Welch, except that he said, he could not observe any thing like discipline among the mob. And, William Keeling, esq. confirmed Mr. Welch's evidence in every particular. "Mr. Sampson Rainsford, high constable of Westminster, said, That he attended the House on the days above mentioned; and confirmed the above evidence, in regard to the riotous proceedings of the mob: and added, that seeing a great bustle, he enquired the cause, and was informed that the mob were using lord North ill-that he went up with his silver staff, and found lord North on one knee; and saw much dirt thrown at his carriage that he went to his assistance, and the door being opened, lord North got into a room; but that he was too anxious for his preservation to make any observation of particular persons-that one man was taken who had struck two constablesthat the mob was very outrageous, and threatened to pull down the house, if the prisoner was not delivered to them; not[VOL. XVII.] he presumes the members' names were told by somebody; but he saw no signal. That he had no reason to think, from any thing that occurred before, at, or after, the riots, that any magistrate of the city of London was directly or indirectly con cerned in procuring or abetting the riots, but entirely the reverse-that Mr. Martin and Mr. Baker, the two sheriffs, appeared to be exceedingly concerned for the riot, and together with some members of the House, applied to the magistrates for more peace officers-that Mr. Welch was of opinion no more could be made; but the witness was of a contrary opinion; in support of which, he instanced sir John Fielding having short staves in his custody for occasional constables: upon which the sheriff said, If you'll procure us some good men, we will take upon us to make peace officers; and twelve or fourteen men were appointed accordingly-that the sheriffs used every method in their power to dissuade the mob from violence-that Mr. Baker expostulated with them in the midst of the crowd, and used every argument with them to disperse, as well by kind invitations, as by representing their proceedings disagreeable to all order, and contrary to law. That the witness, neither before nor since this affair, knows any thing of any means used for procuring this mob that he saw no provisions or drink given to the mob; and that he had since ordered the constables in the neighbourhood to enquire if any houses had been opened for their entertainment, and was informed they could not find that any such thing had been done; and that all the provisions he saw was some which he ordered for the refreshment of the contables. "David Wilmot, esq. justice of the peace for the county of Middlesex, informed your Committee, that one Daniel [Q] Clarke, a weaver, came to his house about 12 o'clock at night, on Tuesday the 26th of March, and told his servant that 500 people would appear the next day at the House of Commons with fire arms -that he did not get up, because he did not believe the man; but, on going to the coffee-house next morning, he found hand bills delivered, acquainting the public, that the lord mayor was to come that day to the House; upon which he went to lord Rochford's office, acquainted his lordship with what he had heard: but added, that he gave no credit to the man; from thence he came to the Guildhall at Westminster, where he found the rest of the magistrates attending that a great mob assembled, and he saw a carriage drawn without horses, and was told alderman Wilkes was in it; that he saw a tall man in a white coat, who seemed very active, jumping about in the mob, but knows neither his name or person-that, afterwards, in the Palace-yard, he saw this man again, and observed, when he waved his hat, stones were thrown from behind, but none from the front-that the man's coat was bad, but that the witness observed, his linen appeared better than was suitable to his outward appearance; that he was within four or five yards of him; that he waved his hat three times, and stones and gravel were thrown from behind at each time; at first, a very small quantity, but that the most was thrown at the last signal-that he saw no stones thrown before he waved his hat, nor heard him speak, except that being asked what he wanted?-he said Damn you, we want our lord mayor. "Being asked, why he did not tell the justices at the Guildhall of the information he had received the night before?-he said, he did not believe it, and was unwilling to give an alarm-and being asked, why, in the first instance he chose to alarm a secretary of state, and not afterwards to mention it to his brother justices?-he said, sir John Fielding, being chairman, and hearing no reports had been made at lord Rochford's office, he mentioned it only to Mr. Keeling, a justice of peace, who thought it better to give no alarm. lives were in danger-that he looked upon this mob as differently constituted from any other he had seen, as they pelted upon this man's waving his hat; that the third waving was a general signal, and the justices then came directly in-that he was a tall man; but that a short man in a mob could not see him wave his hat; but his only rea son for thinking it a disciplined mob, was the behaviour of this man. That he heard the carriage, without horses, was alderman Wilkes's; but he saw nobody in the carriage, nor saw any thing particular in regard to the lord mayor's coach. That when the sheriffs and gentlemen came from the House of Commons, they dispersed the mob; and he did not observe them to be afraid of their persons—and that they were not pelted. Being asked, whether their attempting to read the Riot Act, was not the occasion of the mob throwing stones?-he said, they threw stones before it was attempted to be read-that he believes it was after the second volley of stones that the Act was attempted to be read, whereupon the mob threw more stones, and the magis trates went in-that he thinks the threatening to read the Riot Act, an unlikely method to quiet the people; and wishes it were otherwise. "Being asked, whether the alarm for their magistrates might not be a reason for the people coming down?-he said, he thought the printed bills brought many down; and he looked upon it to be a designed mob, by the appearance of this tall man. "Being asked, why the justices and constables, looking upon this man as the capital offender, took no methods to find out his name, by dogging him, or in any other manner?-he said, they enquired among the officers, who said, they had seen him, but did not know any thing of him-that it was certainly the duty of a justice of peace, or constable, to seize this man; and that Mr. Keeling and the witness had designed to do it, but would not speak to the constables for fear of having it divulged; but sir William Stevenson's carriage drawing up, a confusion ensued, "Having said, that, in his opinion, the the man withdrew, and he never saw him man in the white coat, before-mentioned, afterwards-that from the time of his first was criminal to a certain degree in this observing this man to be active, to his first riot; he was asked, why he did not appre-waving his hat, might be five minuteshend him, when he was near enough to him to distinguish his linen?-he said, it was impossible to get near enough to him; and that they looked upon it that their that if they had taken hold of him before the pelting began, he believes they should have risked their lives; but it is certainly the duty of a magistrate to risk his life don't you take him into custody? upon which he struck the witness, who upon that took him into custody; but he knows nothing of any ringleader. upon such an occasion; and Mr. Keeling and the witness had determined to seize him, and should have done it, but for sir William Stevenson's carriage coming upthat he has certainly no reason to apprehend, that any magistrate of the city of London, or other person, were concerned in encouraging these riots, except it was true that alderman Wilkes was drawn down without horses; which he thinks caused the mob that he was not in Palace-yard before alderman Wilkes's carriage appeared, nor does he know whether he set out from the Mansion-house without horses. "Your Committee then proceeded to examine into the dispersion of the handbills: and "Anthony Wrangham a stationer, who disperses news-papers, being examined, said, he knew nothing of the distribution of hand bills. "Rice Williams, newsman in Russelstreet, Covent-garden, said, he saw a hand bill in his shop; but he was sure none were dispersed in his papers, because he folded them all up, and delivered them himself; and he enquired of his servants, whether any body had been there to put in any bills, and they said nobody had. "Edward Langaridge, a porter at the Temple gate, said, that he had about 200 hand bills to attend my lord mayor upon his return-that he does not know the man from whom he received them-that he met him in St. Paul's church-yard, and gave him two shillings for delivering them; which he did to any body he met that he has seen the man since, but had no conversation with him-that he was a thin man, appeared in a good plain dress of second mourning. "John Stevens, a Temple porter, said, that he only delivered hand bills, the 29th of March, for the London Packet, and no other. "Mr. John Jackson, a constable, said, he attended the House of Commons on the 25th of March, and was the person who Michael Keys struck, who was afterwards apprehended by one of the constables, and carried into the lobby, and then to the Guildhall—that the witness took no notice of Keys when he struck him, but striking another constable, he was then taken into custody; but knows nothing of any ringleader. "William Lawrence, a constable, said, that attending his duty, on the day lord North was assaulted, a man struck a constable; upon which the witness said, why "Peter Senhouse, a constable of Coventgarden parish, said, he attended the parliament house on the 28th of March, when his Majesty came to the House of Peersthat they took a man into custody about two o'clock, in Parliament-street, for crying out, "No Lord Mayor, no King," while his Majesty was passing by--that they took him before sir John Fielding, and the witness indicted him at the last quarter session, but the Bill was not found -that he laid no other charge against him than that of making a noise, and hissing the King; and he did not perceive any person particularly active in the mob." A motion was made, and the question being proposed, that the said Report be printed: and a debate arising in the House thereupon; Ordered, That the said debate be adjourned for half an hour.-But before the half hour was expired the House was commanded by the Usher of the Black Rod to attend in the House of Peers to hear the King's Speech. The King's Speech at the Close of the Session.] May 8. The King came to the House of Peers, and put an end to the Session with the following Speech to both Houses: "My Lords, and Gentlemen; "As the state of public business no longer requires your attendance, I think it right, at this season of the year, to put an end to the present session of parliament. "The satisfaction I have obtained from his Catholic majesty, for the injury I had received, together with the proofs which the courts of France and Spain have given me, by laying aside their armaments, of their sincere disposition to preserve the general tranquillity of Europe, have enabled me to reduce my forces by sea and land. "The zeal with which you have exerted yourselves upon apprehension of a rupture with Spain, must convince the world of your affectionate attachment to me, and of your constant regard for the true interests of your country: on that support I shall always rely for the defence of my nour, and for the security of the rights of my people. ho "With regard to the troubles which still agitate some parts of the continent, my |