Sir William Meredith:

Sir; I am accused in this Bill of attempting to invade men's legal franchise, a right which they purchased under the faith of an act of parliament. Were that the case, I should no doubt be culpable, provided some great advantage were not to arise to the nation from the invasion. But the fact is otherwise; I am invading no franchise, no right. I only contend for enacting a new law to explain the meaning of an old one, under which most of the present freemen have fraudulently crept into the rights of other men. Consult the Act, and you will find that the parliament, that passed it, had none in contemplation but traders, but men who actually purchased or imported slaves. This being the state of the case, it is evident that I attempt no alteration, no innovation; I mean only to oust men from premises to which they have no legal nor equitable title. Not that I object to real

wait thirteen months upon the coast; a delay by which the expence of the voyage is greatly increased, and the slaves are frequently lost by sickness and other dis asters. My constituents, who had five eighths of this trade in their hands, pressed by this grievance, have many of them sold off their ships, and dropt the business. Must not this event necessarily distress the colonies? The price of slaves must certainly rise, except you apply the proposed remedy.

Mr. Oliver and several other gentlemen, perfectly acquainted with the nature of this trade, and at the same time freemen, agreed with sir W. Meredith in opinion, and declared that the behaviour of the committee was so scandalous, as to demand this remedy; and they were willing, for the sake of the public good, to give up their franchise.

Upon a division, 25 were for postponing the matter for three months, and 23 against it. Of course the Bill was lost.

Debate in the Commons on the Lords Amendments to a Money Clause in the Corn Bill.] June 3 .The Corn Bill was returned by the Lords with amendments, and particularly with this amendment, That no bounty should be paid upon exported corn.'

merchants, much less to West India merchants; were they and they only included with the real importers of slaves into the colonies, I cannot see any reasonable objection against them. But that men who are no traders at all, who understand nothing of this trade, nor of any other, should by act of parliament be allowed to appoint the guardians of a branch of business upon which the prosperity of our Governor Pownall said, that though the sugar colonies depends, is an absolute alterations were trifling and chiefly gramsolecism in politics. It was never thematical, yet he thought them, upon meaning of the original Act; nor is it whole, real improvements, and therefore consistent with the nature of trade. would have made no objection to them, had not one been a flagrant encroachment upon the privileges of the House; that as the Lords, forgetful of their duty, had interfered in raising money by inserting the words, that no bounty should be paid upon exported corn,' he must move the House to reject the Bill.

It is indeed alleged, that the trade has grown under their hands. But, Sir, there is a fallacy in the argument. Though the trade upon the whole has increased, it is not owing to the good management of the committee. Where their influence extends, and it extends where the best, the most hardy and useful slaves are found, the trade has greatly declined. Instead of employing the 300,000l. allowed by government in presents to the princes of the country, in order to induce them to sell slaves, there is reason to apprehend that much of that sum is laid out in purchasing slaves as private property. Certain it is, that the present committee-men make a scandalous use of their power. By means of their intelligence and correspondence, and presents made with the public money, their ships are freighted with slaves in a fortnight or three weeks, while those of others, not less meritorious, are obliged to

the

Mr. Whitworth said, that though de sirous of a good understanding between the two Houses, he must second the mo tion, as the Amendment violated a privi lege which had always belonged, and he hoped always should belong, to that House.

It was then urged by other gentlemen, that no good understanding did subsist be tween the two Houses, and that therefore they ought the more to resent this affront and injury.

he would do his part in the business, and The Speaker upon this declared, that toss the Bill over the table.

4

Mr. Edmund Burke said:

Mr. Speaker; I wish that there was not only a good understanding between the two Houses, but I also wish that there was a good understanding in one of them; and I wish both for the same reason, for the better dispatch of the public business. Sir, when there is not an easy intercourse between the two Houses, when their doors are shut upon the members of each other, it is impossible to impart those mutual lights which are frequently necessary in the progress of a Bill. For want of this communication and this knowledge, I aver that three Bills were lately lost in that House, and among them this Corn Bill and the Dissenters' Bill. The Lords do not know what is going for. ward in this House; and, what is worse, they do not understand the principles of the constitution.

ment.

point. It is not that I mean to make the breach between the two Houses wider; I have already endeavoured to shew, that, for the sake of the public, we should study harmony and unanimity. Nor is it my desire that we should return injury for injury. If we have received a base affront from the Lords, let us not copy their example, but set them a pattern of what their conduct ought to be. There is in the reciprocation of base affronts something that makes a liberal mind revolt. Who does not think himself degraded by turning upon a Wapping landlady, and giving her reproach for reproach? You cannot have any pleasure in kicking and being kicked. Let us not, then, imitate so shameful an example, but leave our doors open even for the peerage. I do not say that they have deserved this at our hands: they have not: but let us forgive their weakness as a prelude to a reconciliation, and to the renewal of the old and regular manner of transacting business, an effort for the recovery of which we owe to our constituents, and to our own dignity.

Sir, this privilege, which they have now invaded, is a known and avowed right inherent in this House as the representatives of the people. For what do the Lords say, when they attempt to invade this privilege? Why, Sir, they plainly say to us and to the people, you shall no longer tax yourselves. Can liberty exist a moment, if we allow them to lay their sacrilegious hands upon this holy of holies, this palladium of the constitution? The most servile tool of administration will not have the face to defend this encroachWhat shall we say was the cause of this strange proceeding? Shall we call it absolute ignorance of the constitution, or an insidious trial of our ductility and acquiescence? I have seen enough of their conduct to make me think the former not impossible; and I know too much the sympathy subsisting between them and administration to deem the latter improbable. Suppose, then, we compound the matter, and ascribe this attempt partly to ignorance of the constitution, and partly to ministerial management. In so doing I believe we shall not be much wide of the mark.

Sir, among the various attempts made by administration to overturn the constitution, that of taking from the people the power of taxing themselves would not be The right of election being violated, there remained but this, for which the right of election was originally preserved by the people. I hope, however, we are not yet so infamous and abandoned as to relinquish this essential [VOL. XVI 1.]

But why do I talk of our dignity? That, Sir, is lost. I only contend for this point, as a necessary preparative to the proper management of the public business. Had gentlemen any feeling for the honour of the House, would they submit to the disgrace of waiting three hours in the lobby of the House of Lords, among their lordships' footmen? Sir, this has been my fate, when ordered by the House to carry their Bills to the Lords; and I do not speak of it out of any personal pride, or as an indignity to myself, but as a flagrant disgrace to this House, which I apprehend is not inferior in rank to any other branch of the legislature. On the contrary, I hold that they are co-ordinate, and that no one is to claim a superiority. If, therefore, the Lords keep the House shut for fear of being exposed or disgraced by the publication of their speeches or opinions, or for any other cause, it will be necessary for this House, in support of its own dignity, to appoint particular officers for carrying Bills to the upper House. Should they oblige us to sacrifice the public interest, we are under no necessity of sacrificing farther than we have our importance in the state. Though they frequently alter bills merely to shew their power, we need not suffer them to proceed to the annihilation of all our authority.

Mr. Ongley said, that if the Lords, when informed of what now passed, did [2 L]

"I can with great pleasure acquaint The negociations that were carried on at Foc you, that the disposition of the zani gave room to hope for the conclusion of a powers of Europe give me the strongest reason to peace between the belligerent powers; and if believe that this nation will not be dis-imagine, from what had hitherto appeared, it proved otherwise, there was no reason to turbed in the enjoyment of the blessings that we had any intention to be involved in the of peace. consequences of the war, unless some very ex

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came to the House of Peers, and re-open- | making such provisions for the common beed the Session with the following Speech nefit and security of all the various inteto both Houses: rests concerned, as you shall find best adapted to the exigencies of the case.

"My Lords, and Gentlemen, "I should most willingly have consulted your private convenience by allowing you a longer recess from business, if I had not thought that some very important parts of the public service required the immediate attention of parliament.

"It is impossible that I can look with indifference upon whatever concerns either the commerce and revenue of the kingdom at large, or the private rights and interests of considerable numbers among my people; neither can I be insensible how materially every one of these great objects must be interested in the maintenance of the credit and prosperity of the East India Company. When, therefore, I received information of the difficulties in which that Company appear to be involved, I determined to give you an early opportunity of informing yourselves fully of the true state of their affairs, and of

traordinary change took place both as to its nature and extent, which was not yet to be foreseen. At home, administration had carried every thing with such irresistible force in the last session, that opposition seemed to be reduced to little more than a name; and could afford only a weak and unavailing dissent, to measures which it was not capable of impeding; whilst its members were weary of fruitless exertions, in which the inequality was so great as scarcely to admit of a struggle.

I have the satisfaction to acquaint you that there is reason to hope that the war which has so long unhappily prevailed in one part of Europe is now drawing to a conclusion; and although there was no probability of our being involved therein, yet, the discontinuance of those troubles will afford a fairer prospect of the duration of peace, which I trust the alterations that have happened in Europe will not in their consequences affect.

"I continue to receive from foreign powers the strongest assurances of their pacific dispositions towards this country; and it shall be my constant endeavour to preserve the general tranquillity, as far as is consistent with the honour of my crown, and the interests of my people.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "It gives me much satisfaction that the continuance of peace has enabled me to proceed in the reduction of the establish

either affect its internal strength, or its outward conduct. The earl of Hillsborough, indeed, had resigned his office of secretary of state for the American department, together with his seat at the head of the board of trade, both of which were bestowed on the earl of Dartmouth, who upon this occasion quitted his old friends in opposition. This resignation was not, however, the effect of any difference with the court; that nobleman having quitted his places "With respect to parties, the remains of the in great good humour, and being immediately old whig and revolution interest, which we have after promoted to an English earldom. But as already frequently taken notice of, under the those measures, which had caused the greatest name of the Rockingham party, although there dislike aud uneasiness in the colonies, had oriwere some actual desertions from them and a ginated in lord Hillsborough's administration, ON doubtful appearance in a few of those that re- this change was by many considered as conci. mained, they were, in the main, rather better liatory with respect to America. Some other united than the rest. They, in general, con- changes which afterwards took place, had as tinued pertinaciously in their old opposition to little effect upon the general system of governthe system and measures of the court, and firm ment. The earl of Harcourt succeeded lord in the support of their leader. The party which Townsend in the government of Ireland, and is thought particularly attached to lord Chat- the latter was appointed master-general of the ham did not seem much nearer to a political ordnance; the death of the earl of Albemarle arrangement with administration; though they afforded an opportunity for promoting general agreed with them in many of the measures, or Conway to the government of the island of Jerat least in some parts of many of the measures sey; and sir Geffrey Amherst, who succeeded of this session. This circumstance added ex- him in the ordnance, was soon afterwards called tremely to the weakness of opposition. We to the privy council. Lord Stormont was aphave formerly shewn, that several of the late pointed ambassador extraordinary at the court Mr. Grenville's friends, soon after his decease, of Versailles, in the room of the earl of Harwent over to the court; some of them, how court; and, upon the death of the earl of Litchever, have still continued on their old ground, field, lord Edgecombe having got the band of and have accordingly acted occasionally with gentlemen pensioners, Mr. Jenkinson was apthe other parties who dissent from administra-pointed a joint vice-treasurer of Ireland in his stead, and Mr. Charles Fox a lord of the trea sury, in the room of the latter." Annual Register.

tion.

"In this state of security, no change had taken place in administration, which could

"I cannot but feel the most real concern, that the produce of the late harvest has not given us the relief which we had hoped for, in respect to the dearness of corn. As far as human wisdom can pro-to the ease and comfort of all your people, vide for alleviating the distresses of the poor, I am persuaded, your attention will not be wanting and you cannot gratify me more, than by calling upon me for my concurrence in whatever may contribute to the true welfare and happiness of all my people."