ness of his intentions; and will not charge him with any sinister views of stock-jobbing in proposing to make this a secret committee. Certain I am, however, that those who are entrusted with this business, will have it in their power to raise ground under the cognizance of parliament, so early as 1767, nothing had been done in all this time towards their regulation or settlement, except the restricting of their dividends, rescinding their acts, and the obtaining from them, without any visible equivalent, immense sums of money, which were far beyond their abilities. No order was taken, conformable to the amaz- | ing change in their condition, for the regulation or government of their new acquisitions; nor no new powers of control lodged in their hands, to counterbalance the immense trusts which they were now under a necessity of reposing in their servants; nor to restrain or prevent those evils which must naturally attend the quick transition, from the management of a countinghouse to the government of an empire. "While the many were surprised at this apparent inattention to matters of the utmost importance to the nation, some of those who were the most versed in political manœuvres, pretended to foresee the consequences that have since taken place, and argued that such glaring disorders could not have been overlooked; that they were permitted only to render the company odious through the faults of its servants; to shew its incapability of governing such great possessions; and to prepare the nation for the changes that were to follow. "However this was, the mal-administration in India, with all its consequences, were suffered to pass without notice or observation; and we have already seen in the transactions of 1772, that, though the affairs of the company were evidently alluded to at the opening of the session, in the speech from the throne, they were nevertheless suffered to lie over till near its close, when a Bill was brought in by the deputy-chairman, for enlarging the controlling powers of the company with respect to their servants in India. The Bill came to nothing in that session. But a member, though in the King's service, not connected with ministry, whether with or without their consent, at length awakened their attention to this object. This gave birth to the select committee, which was armed with full powers for all the purposes of enquiry. The company were now alarmed; and were not only apprehensive of a rigorous enquiry, but were too sensible, from late experience, of the inefficacy of charters for their protection, in a contention. It was therefore proposed in the India-House, at the end of that session of parliament, to send out, during the recess, a new commission of supervision, with full powers for the regulation of all their affairs abroad. Some time was however necessarily less fears and to inspire as groundless hopes, and thus to sport with the public property. Why thus endanger the estate of the widow and orphan? Why thus throw a temptation to do wrong in the way of any class of men? Were I the minister's spent in bringing this scheme to maturity; it being not less difficult to agree upon the persons who were to be appointed to an office of such great importance, than upon the extent of the powers with which they were to be furnished. At length, six gentlemen were nominated for this purpose; and a general officer of high rank and estimation, who had commanded with great honour in the late war in America, consented to go out at the head of the supervi sion. The meeting of parliament, however, put an end to the design. It was now generally known, that the affairs of the company would form the principal object of the ensuing session; no other cause could be assigned for its being opened before the holidays; and, as administration had no share in the appointment of the supervisors, though the measure itself had been countenanced by them, it was easy to foretell, that parliament would interpose to prevent its being carried into execution. "The various results of all the errors that had been committed, and the misconduct that had prevailed both at home and abroad, were now accumulated, and had appeared in their full force during the recess of parliament. The company, with an empty treasury at home, had accepted bills from Bengal to an immense amount, which were now coming round in course of payment; they were at the same time deeply in debt to the Bank for cash bor rowed, to the revenue for custom-house duties, and to the Treasury, on the annual stipulated payment,as well as on the article of indemni fication for teas, an experiment made in concur rence with government; but by which they were prodigious losers. Though this state of their affairs might have been easily foreseen by those who were at their head, nothing was done to prevent it; the dividend was raised to twelve and a half per cent. the annual tribute to government, accordingly continued, and the India bills, to the amount of 1,200,000, wat tonly, or carelessly accepted, without a due attention to the funds by which they were to be paid. "These distresses took away all the means of defence, and threw the company naked into the hands of administration. The directors were under a necessity of entering into a negociation with government for a loan to extricate their affairs, at a time when the most hostile measures were, probably, in contemplation. The first lord of the Treasury received these proposals with dryness and reserve. He referred them to parliament for satisfaction. Thus the crimes and misdemeanours of their servants, together with the envy and obloquy which attended their immense fortunes and conduct at of the he was well assured, for many reasons, that mode of enquiry was a principal cause. Mr. Mackworth entered largely into the subject. He said he had the highest opinion of the rectitude of the noble lord's intentions, and of his praise-worthy solici tude on the present occasion; nevertheless, he totally differed with him in the mode of relief proposed; first, as to the intended committee being a secret one, and to the number, which was by far short of so arduous an undertaking, as business, pleasure, illness, &c. might, in the course of so long a sitting, prevent the attendance of many of the members; he further remarked, that wisdom should be sought in the multitude; but unfortunately let fall, that this committee of thirteen would come single-handed to engage in this very important work, and would consequently sink under an investigation into such a variety of matter, and in developing the truth in such a complicated and multifarious information. friend, I would dissuade him from such a plan out of tenderness to his as well as to my own character. Both the employer and the employed will be liable to suspicion, let their conduct be ever so justifiable. I know very well that ministers are seldom adverse to stock-jobbing. Their opportunities of early intelligence naturally render it to them a lucrative trade. Yet I do not accuse the noble lord of this foible more than his predecessors. In the present instance, I cannot think him much interested, because, as the Company's books have been already submitted to his inspection, he must be possessed of every of a lucrative secret; provided he has attentively perused them. And I have not so bad an opinion of his intellects as to imagine that he will need the assistance of thirteen friends to direct him how to speculate in the Alley. Be this as it may, I cannot help reminding him that one of the greatest services which he can render this country is to put a stop to that destructive gaming in the funds, which has lately shook the trading interests, and may, for thought I know, be at this moment secretly working the destruction of thousands more. There has been, indeed, a little inpetermission; but still it is hard to say where it will end. As for the noble lord's last assertion, relative to the internal health and strength of the East India Comere pany, I leave him and his friend, the mover of the Address, to reconcile the glaring contradictions with what was first affirmed, namely, the Company's not being able to pay a single shilling at their next dividend. and air park easury al to Coming com-bec ticle by 1.200 Withou 15 they lida (2 the m Lord North replied to this generally, but took little notice of any of the objecnothing tions, further than repeating what he had before said, with this additional circumstance, that great complaints had been made relative to the disclosure of the Company's secrets, by the mode of enquiry adopted last session, from which consequences very hurtful to its interests had arisen; and that he was well informed, one of the principal objects of complaint were those very transactions in the Alley which had been mentioned by the last gentleman as an objection, and of which, The words single-handed and thirteen occasioned an universal titter through the House, and it was some time before the Speaker could call the members to an orderly silence. General Burgoyne stood up to vindicate the late committee, of which he had the honour to be chairman, from those aspersions which he imagined had been obliquely thrown on it by the leader of the treasury bench. The General expatiated largely upon what had been done by the select committee of last year, and contended, that the means now proposed were inadequate to the purposes that enquiry was first set on foot to effect. As I am (continued he) the person who moved for a select and open committee to enquire into the East India Company's affairs, I think myself in some measure called upon to rise on this occasion, and to acquaint the House, that to-morrow I intend to move for its revival. Understanding that a motion for a secret committee was this day to be made, I naturally conceived that it was a tacit disapprobation of, or at least an oblique reflection upon, the mode of proceeding adopted last session. Now I must home, became at length blended into one comsay, and it is but what I owe to my asses. sors on that occasion, that, however unmon and undistinguished mass, with the geworthy the president might be, the virtue neral state of the company's affairs, their territorial and corporate rights, the causes of their present distresses, and the recent application for borrowing money from the public." Annual Register. pany ande ring the mo and abilities of the other members were such, as conducted the business entrusted to the committee on the most public and disinterested plan. Never was there a ་ body of men who acted with more coolness, deliberation and attention. And, if this committee is intended to supersede it, I cannot help thinking that it will be attended with more harm than good. I have many objections to a secret committee; but yet I will not vote at all in this case. This is the principle on which I act. It is universally allowed, and indeed it is clearly proved, that the East India Company is rotten to the very core. All is equally unsound; and you cannot lay your finger on a single healthy spot whereon to begin the application of a remedy. In the east the laws of society, the laws of nature, have been enormously violated. Oppression in every shape has ground the faces of the poor defenceless natives; and tyranny has stalked abroad. The laws of England have lain mute and neglected, and nothing was seen but the arbitrary caprice of despotism. Every sanction of civil justice, every maxim of political wisdom, all laws human and divine, have been trampled under foot, and set at nought. At home, there has been egregious mismanagement and variety of roguery. The evils being so extensive and so multifarious, the most extensive enquiry is wanted. Could, therefore, a hundred committees be established, they would hardly be equal to the task of investigating the various crimes and misdemeanors, the multiplied evils that lurk in that corrupted body. Why, then, should oppose this committee? I will not oppose it; though it seems strange to pass over the enormities of the east, and to institute a minute enquiry into the petty larcenies of Leadenhall. Let me not, how ever, be misunderstood, as if accusation, not redress, was my object. My first object, when, unnconnected with any party, uninfluenced by any motive but humanity and a sense of duty, I proposed the establishment of the select committee, was the removal of the misfortunes under which Bengal laboured, and in which I foresaw this country would finally be involved. If in the course of the enquiry there should appear any crime, which I should think it incumbent upon me, as a member of parliament, to impeach, I am not a man to shrink from my duty. I Lord North said, that he had told the General he would not oppose the revival of the select committee, and that he was resolved to abide by his word. Governor Johnstone said-Though I agree with my hon. friend who spoke last, and shall therefore not oppose the present motion, yet I cannot help observing, that it is supported by arguments which do not apply. The noble lord, who moved the question, tells us, that the select commit tee that sat last year left the Company's books open to the inspection of the whole world, and that hence many little secrets transpired, which proved injurious to the Company. Now I do confess that their books remained upon the table of the committee, and were much inspected by me. But yet I never heard that they sustained any damage from this circumstance. If they did, it is incumbent upon the direc tors now to declare it. Many of them are members of this House. Let them now rise, and specify the injury received. Sir, 1 am well assured, that this is not in their power; and it was well observed by an hon. member, that it is by secrecy they have been undone. Had their affairs been. clearly and candidly stated to the proprie tary, and not remained locked up in the breasts of the direction alone, they could not possibly have been reduced to the present dilemma. The wisdom and interest of the many would have got the better of the cunning and avarice of the few. So sensible are the proprietors of India stock now become of this truth, and that in the multitude of counsellors there is safety, that they compelled the directors to leave the Company's books open to every proprietor. Hence there can be now no se crets. Every thing must be now known to Turks, Jews and Infidels. Thus, then, it is clear that the arguments upon which the noble lord laid the greatest stress are not in the present case applicable. But with respect to the dispatch which this plan may produce, I think that argument is applicable, and upon that ground, as well as upon others suggested by my friend, I shall not oppose the motion. hon. The motion for the Secret Committee was then carried, and on the 28th the fol lowing 13 gentlemen were balloted for; viz. Mr. Thomas Harley, Mr. Hans Stanley, Mr. Charles Jenkinson, Mr. Richard Jackson, Mr. Thomas Gilbert, lord Frederick Campbell, Viscount Palmer ston, Mr. Nathaniel Ryder, Mr. William Burrell, Mr. Rigby, Mr. Thomas Walpole, Mr. John Eames, and Mr. Richard Fitzpatrick. Nov. 27. Colonel Burgoyne moved that the Select Committee of 31 appoint ed in April last to enquire into the nature, state and condition of the East India Company, and of the British affairs in the East Indies, be re-appointed. L Mr. Seymour. I am heartily for an enquiry, and sincerely wish a full discovery may be made of the greatest villanies this or any other nation ever heard of. I do not wish to start any objections which may affect the motion of the hon. gentleman; bat I own I have my doubts respecting the Secret Committee and the other. I am averse to the former; I am for an open, candid and liberal enquiry, that the nation at large may be informed. A secret committee may clash with and interrupt the other. The same witness may be examined at both; and though, I do not positively assert there, may be, connivances, yet I think it proper to guard against them, as it is very probable there may be. I am therefore for an open, fair, and liberal enquiry, that punishment may attend the guilty, and those who deserve, it be rewarded. ked a red to ere & ctors Tas ལ The motion was agreed to. ind A Doubt settled, that the Acceptance of Debate in the Commons on the Navy Estimates.] December 2. In a Committee of Supply, Mr. Buller moved, "That 20,000 men be employed for the sea service, for the year 1773, including 4,354 marines." He said it was unnecessary, he believed, to explain how such a number came to be requisite; but he was ready, if called upon, to explain the distribution, by which it would appear that the service required that number. He also moved, That 4. per man per month be allowed for maintaining the said men for 13 months, including ordnance for sea service. The hon. A. J. Hervey seconded the motion, and entered into no explanation whatever; and it was ready to pass as a motion of course, when Mr. Pulteney rose and said: Sir; when the public money is to be granted by parliament, every reasonable precaution should be used to render the disbursement and application of it as fixed and determinate as possible, and to leave as little latitude to the discretion of the officers of the crown as the nature of things will permit. Ministers, even in these golden times, are but men; and men, we know, are fallible. When not confined to strict and marked limits they are apt to transgress. This is the principle upon which our constitution is founded; and it is a principle common to it with every other well regulated system of government. But, if this appropriation of revenue is necessary in the inferior departments of the public service, how much more necessary must it be in the most expensive and essential of all? The department I mean is the naval. Soon after the Revolution the peace establishment of the British navy was fixed at 10,000 seamen. But what was the yearly expence of this establishment? Somewhat more than 800,000% At the conclusion of the last peace but one the establishment was raised to 16,000 men; and the expence increased considerably more than in proportion to the number of men employed. The same A member desired the commission might thing happened, at the peace of Fontainbe read. The Speaker. answered, that it bleau: 16,000 seamen, including marines, was like all other commissions. The were voted for the various services onmember started as an objection, that, from his knowledge of Jersey, the government had the management of civil matters; to which a fleet in peaceable times can be employed; and the expence amounted to near a million and a half sterling, a sum almost double of what at an earlier period was deemed sufficient to render us secure from any sudden danger or invasion. Ten thousand seamen were, after the peace of Utrecht, maintained with 800,000l. Sixteen thousand seamen, and marines, required almost twice that sum in 1766, though the latter, making no inconsiderable corps, are much less expensive than the former. Sir; when the nation was threatened with a Spanish war, and 40,000 men were voted, 2,700,000l. were expended, though the men were not raised, and though of those raised many were soon dismissed. Last year, when 25,000 men were voted, we were promised by the minister that the expenditure would even fall short of the estimate, and be confined to two millions. I have reason to think this promise will turn out to be a courtier's promise, and that instead of being within two millions, it will exceed even the estimate. What will it be this year? I fear the 20,000 seamen and marines now proposed will cost us little less than two millions. arising upon the final close of the account. Nor is the difficulty of tracing the account up to its various sources the only inconvenience. The Admiralty, knowing the impracticability of detecting, according to this plan, any fraud or malversation, will be the more ready to commit abuses. I am the better justified in making this observation, that abuses now exist in the management of the navy. I have my information from a person who has univer sally acknowledged abilities, has had opportunities of enquiry, and is not inte rested in misrepresentation. He informs me that the guard-ships were converted into mere jobs, and answered no purposes of defence or security, being neither pro perly manned, nor docked, nor equipped in any other shape; who will assure us that this is not now the case? From the same hand I learn, that ac cording to the peace establishment now to be adopted, more men are demanded than will be necessary for the ships proposed to be kept in commission, or called forth in an emergency. Seventeen or at most eighteen thousand seamen will be sufficient for the different services at home, in the Me diterranean, in the West and East Indies. What then will become of the surplus men? They will not be upon the muster, and yet the nation will pay for them. Various are the articles used to make noneffective men pass muster in the sea as well as land service. When 20,000 men therefore are asked, why is not the number of ships to be employed, why is not their rate specified, why is not the detail of every part of the service given, that the House may judge with its own eyes, and not trust to a general calculation made by an interested body of men? Were this scheme now adopted, I have no doubt but the truth of my assertion would fully ap pear. Sir, when such enormous sums are thus laid out, and when we see that they are continually upon the encrease, and that a given number of men become gradually more and more expensive in the hands of administration, it becomes us as the guardians of the public property to enquire whether there is not some radical error in the plan of naval disbursement. To me it appears that there is a capital mistake in the very manner of voting the naval supply. In voting a sum not exceeding 4. a man per month, four distinct heads of account are confounded in one mass. The wages of seamen, their victuals, the wear and tear of the shipping, and the ordnance, are thrown into one aggregate sum, into one sinking fund, which, if not speedily disentangled and rectified, will, I Sir, extravagance in the building of new fear, with the other millstones which hang ships is another charge which may, I un about its neck, sink this nation. For what derstand, be justly brought against the is the effect of this indefinite vote? The Admiralty. And let me tell you that in same as if, in express terms, you gave the the sea service, favourite as it is, there may first lord of the Admiralty a general unli- be extravagance. What think you of having mited power to employ the money granted so many new ships at once upon the stocks, in what manner he pleases. Hence the that before a sufficient number of conaccount that annually comes before us is demned ships return to furnish a sufficiency similar to the vote. It is general, speci- of men to navigate them, they rot and fies no articles, and is in fact no account decay in the dock or harbour? I have at all; as there are no particulars which great reason to believe that there are great may serve as clues to lead us to the re-abuses in this department, and that the ceipt and payments, to the credits and negligence of a former board has driven debts that verify the general or gross sum the present into a contrary extreme. |