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CONTENTS—Continued

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NAVAL POWER IN THE PRESENT WAR. V. By Lieutenant Charles C. Gill

Secret U-boat Orders to German Newspapers

A Submarine Torpedo : What It Is and How It Works
BRITISH FOREIGN POLICIES AND THE PRESENT WAR . By T. G. Frothingham
RASPUTIN, NEMESIS OF THE CZAR
RUSSIA'S FIRST MONTH OF FREEDOM

Warning of Russia's Revolution: Paul Milukoff's Address
GERMAN RAIDERS IN THE ATLANTIC
DEMOCRATIC PROGRESS IN GERMANY
REPLY TO THE DARDANELLES REPORT
WRITING WAR HISTORY IN FRANCE
ARAB REVOLT AGAINST TURKISH RULE: Proclamation of Ulema of Mecca

General Maude's Proclamation to the People of Bagdad
ITALY'S MILITARY PROGRESS IN 1916
MILITARY OPERATIONS OF THE WAR. III. By Major Edwin W. Dayton
GERMAN VANDALISM DURING THE RETREAT IN FRANCE

Germany's Defense of Destructive Policy
An Eyewitness in Devastated France

By Wythe Williams
Military Results of Germany's Move
FRENCH HEROES OF THE AIR

By Victor Forbin
Aerial Fighting on the French Front

By Lord Northcliffe THE ZEPPELIN RAIDS AND THEIR EFFECT ON ENGLAND. By Charles Stienon

List of Zeppelin Raids Against England

Terrible Realities of War: A Gunner's Story AMAZING EFFECTS OF SHELL SHOCK.

By W. R. Houston, M. D. CURIOUS GERMAN WAR MEDALS

By George Macdonald
THE WAR PROBLEMS OF MOTHERS

By the Countess of Warwick
British Women in War Service
GERMAN WOMEN AS WAR WORKERS

By Caroline V. Kerr
THE WAR'S EFFECTS ON WOMAN'S STATUS

By August Winnig THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS. 33 Cartoons, All Nations

289 292 297 298 301 303 304 306 308 309 310 317 322 323 326 328 287 333 337 338

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340

346

349 351 354 358 361

ROTOGRAVURE ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE
THE DEAD CITY OF ARRAS

Frontis
NEW YORK POLICE ON WAR DUTY
AMERICA'S DECLARATION OF WAR
PRESIDENT DELIVERING MESSAGE
MEMBERS OF THE WAR COUNCIL

206 COMMANDERS OF ARMY DEPARTMENTS 207 NAVAL MILITIA, NEW YORK

222 FIRST ARMED AMERICAN LINER

TAKING OVER THE ISLANDS
COUNCIL OF NATIONAL DEFENSE
FRENCH “TANK," New Model
LATIN-AMERICAN WAR LEADERS
HUNTING U-BOATS AT SEA
PATH OF THE GERMAN RETREAT
RUINS LEFT BY GERMANS
PRINCE GEORGE E. Lvorf
PROFESSOR PAUL MILUKOFF

PAGE 239 270 271 286 287 318 319 334 333

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223 FURCHASING DANISH WEST INDIES 238

BS

C THE WAR MESSAGE

I

Delivered by President Woodrow Wilson Before

the United States Congress on April 2, 1917 Text of the address read by the President at 8:30 P. M., April 2, 1917, at the Joint

Session of Congress, convened by special call at noon of that day. Gentlemen of the Congress: HAVE called the Congress into extraordinary session because there

are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made

immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.

On the 3d of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft, in conformity with its promise, then given to us, that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed.

The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.

I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any Government that had hitherto subscribed to humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free

highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meagre enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.

Ruthless Destruction of Life This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside, under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these, which it is impossible to employ, as it is employing them, without throwing to the wind all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.

I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of noncombatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.

It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination.

The challenge is to all minkind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.

When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws, when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks, as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.

The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms, at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the

defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making; we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs; they cut to the very roots of human life.

State of War Recognized With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the Government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense, but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.

What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost practicable co-operation in counsel and action with the Governments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to those Governments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.

It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.

It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects, but particularly in supplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy's submarines.

It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States, already provided for by law in case of war, of at least 500,000 men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.

It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well-conceived taxation.

I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation, because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits, which will now be necessary, entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people, so far as we may, against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of the inflation which would be produced by vast loans.

In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty-for it will be a very practical dutyof supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field, and we should help them in every way to be effective there.

I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of the Government, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon whom the responsibility of conducting the war and safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.

While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world, what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the 22d of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the 3d of February and on the 26th of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power, and to set up among the really free and selfgoverned peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth insure the observance of those principles.

The Menace of Autocracy Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments, backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their Governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized States.

We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling

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