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tions or paralyze the industrial activity of the city.

People at Last Convinced Manifestations already arranged for March 6, including a general strike and the marching to the Duma of a deputation of workingmen, were in this way averted. But the moment was only postponed. The people, who were convinced that they were being exploited by a hostile clique, received what they regarded as the last proof of the inefficiency and corruption of their own Government when they were apprised that the already insufficient supply of food had become still more meagre and that for some days it would be necessary to go without bread altogether.

Patient and long suffering by nature, this was too much for the population of Petrograd, who knew that the interior of Russia was stored with immense quantities of grain and all kinds of provisions, and, without other motive at first than to voice a demand for bread, the people paraded the streets, and this demonstration was the spark that started the conflagration.

The unrest at first expressed itself in an unusually mild manner, without excitement and with no indication of revolutionary intent, but merely as an insistent demand for a vigorous solution of the food problem.

The Duma meanwhile was actively debating the question, and the majority received with ill-concealed irritation the statements and explanations of the Mins ister of Agriculture.

On the 10th General Chavaloff. commander of the Petrograd district, issued a proclamation forbidding all assemblies in the streets and warning citizens that the troops had been authorized to use their arms or any means to preserve or der in the capital. On the 11th the Czar put the match to the powder train by issuing two ukases suspending the sittings of the Russian Duma and Council of the Empire. This was the final stroke, and the revolution soon came full grown into being.

Michael V. Rodzianko, President of the Duma, a man of strong force and firm conviction, realized that a serious blun

der had been committed, and telegraphed the Czar that the hour had struck. The Duma unanimously decided that it would not dissolve. The Imperial Council, realizing the gravity of the situation, added its appeal that the Emperor should hearken to the demands of the people. The Emperor, who was absent from Petrograd, hastily started back to the capital, but it was too late.

How the Flood Broke The story of the upheaval as related by accredited correspondents is as follows:

The most phenomenal feature of the revolution was the swift and orderly transition whereby the control of the city passed from the régime of the old Government into the hands of its opponents.

The visible signs of revolution began on Thursday, March 8. Strikes were declared in several big munitions factories as a protest against the shortage of bread. Men and women gathered and marched through the streets, most of them in an orderly fashion. A few bread shops were broken into in that section of the city beyond the Neva, and several minor clashes between strikers and police occurred.

Squads of mounted troops appeared, but during Thursday and Friday the utmost friendliness seemed to exist between the troops and the people.

This early period of the uprising bore the character of a mock revolution, staged for an immense audience. Cossacks, charging down the street, did so in a half-hearted fashion, plainly without malice or intent to harm the crowds, which they playfully dispersed. The troops exchanged good-natured raillery with the working men and women, and as they rode were cheered by the populace.

Long lines of soldiers stationed in matic attitudes across the Nevsky Prospect, with their guns pointed at an imaginary foe, appeared to be taking part in a realistic tableau. Machine guns, firing rounds of blank cartridges, seemed only to add another realistic touch to a tremendous theatric production which was using the whole city as a stage.

On Saturday, however, apparently without provocation, the troops were ordered to fire on people marching in Nevsky Prospect. The troops refused to fire, and the police, replacing them, fired rifles and machine guns.

Then came a clash between troops and police, which continued in desultory fashion throughout Saturday night and Sunday. The Nevsky Prospect was cleared of traffic by the police and notices were posted by the commander of the Petrograd military district warning the people that any attempt to congregate would be met by force.

Troops Join the Revolt Until Sunday evening, however, there was no intimation that the affair would grow to the proportions of a revolution. The first serious outbreak came at 1 o'clock, when the men of the Volynski Regiment shot their officers and revolted when they received an order to fire upon striking workingmen in one of the factory districts.

Another regiment detailed against the mutineers also joined the revolt. The LCWS spread rapidly to the other barracks and four more regiments went over. Some of the revolting troops marched to the St. Peter and St. Paul Fortress on the left bank of the Neva, and after a brief skirmish with the garrison took possession of it.

Dissension spread among the troops, who did not understand why they should be compelled to take violent measures against fellow-citizens whose chief offense was that they were hungry and were asking the Government to supply bread. Several regiments deserted. A pitched battle began between the troops who stood with the Government and those who, refusing to obey orders, had mutinied, and even slain their officers.

A long night fight took place between the mutinous regiments and the police at the end of St. Catherine Canal, immediately in front of the historic church built over the spot where Alexander II. was killed by a bomb. The police finally fled to the rooftops all over the city and were seen no more in the streets during the entire term of the fighting.

Turning Point in Revolution Monday morning, March 12. the Government troops appeared to control all the principal squares of the city. Then came a period when it was impossible to distinguish one side from the other. There was no definite line between the factions. The turning point appeared to come about 3 o'clock in the afternoon. For two hours the opposing regiments passively confronted each other along the wide Liteiny Prospect in almost complete silence.

From time to time emissaries from the revolutionary side rode to the opposing ranks and exhorted them to join the side of the people. For a while the result seemed to hang in the balance. The troops appeared irresolute, awaiting the commands of their officers, who themselves were in doubt as to what they should do.

Desultory firing continued along the side streets between groups of Government troops and revolutionists. But the regiments upon whose decision the outcome rested still confronted each other, with machine guns and rifles in readiness.

Suddenly a few volleys were exchanged; there was another period of silent suspense, and the Government regiments finally marched over to join the revolutionists. A few hours after the first clash this section of Petrograd, in which were located the Duma building, artillery headquarters, and the chief military barracks, passed into the hands of the revolutionary forces, and the warfare swept like a tornado to other parts of the city, where the scene was duplicated.

At first it seemed a miracle that the revolutionists, without prearranged plan, without leadership or organization, could in such a short time, with comparative ease, achieve a complete victory over the Government. But the explanation lay in the reluctance of the troops to take sides against the people and their prompt desertion to the ranks of those who opposed the Government.

The scenes in the streets were by this time remarkable. The wide streets, where the troops were stationed, were completely deserted by civilians, except for a few daring individuals, who, creeping along walls and ducking into court. yards, sped from one side to the other. But the side streets were choked with people.

Groups of students, easily distinguished by their blue caps and dark uniforms, fell into step with rough units of rebel soldiers, and were joined by other heterogeneous elements, united for the time being by a cause greater than parti. san differences.

Unkempt workingmen, with ragged sheepskin coats covering the conventional peasants' costume of dark blouse and top boots, strode side by side with wellgroomed city clerks and shopkeepers.

An Impromptu Army This strange army of people, mustered on the street corners, shouldered their newly acquired rifles and marched out

hed out to join the ranks of the deserting regiments.

The economic and industrial life of the city came to a complete standstill. Street car service was supended from the beginning of the disorders and stores were closed. The two leading hotels which housed officers were wrecked. Others restricted their seryice to regular patrons. In response to an appeal by the revolutionist committees, citizens distributed food to the soldiers.

The scene at the Duma before the rev. olution was in full flame was extraordinary. The members stood about the broad corridors talking calmly, the serious priest members in long black gowns, with flowing hair, and members from the provinces in top boots and blouses mingling with well-groomed and frock-coated representatives.

At the front gates the troops began to assemble. They were without arms. They were the revolting regiments. One body in marching order entered the side gate and halted before the entrance. A Duma member spoke from the steps, explaining the attitude of that body and assuring the regiments that the Duma was with them.

Auto trucks packed with men, soldiers, and civilians, with and without arms,

rolled up to the circular drive and stopped before the door, while some occupant delivered a lurid oration, and then went on, cheered by the crowds.

Then came a small army of citizen soldiers, factory workers, clerks, students armed with rifles taken from the captured arsenals, their pale faces and black Winter clothing forming a strange picture against the snow piled high in the Duma garden.

For an hour they stood in more or less military formation before the building, and at dusk marched away toward the centre of the city, followed by the revolting soldiers. The crowd was extremely orderly. A group of a dozen soldiers pushed into the corridor of the building and demanded to be allowed to address the members. A mild-mannered young civilian of the student type took them in hand with little difficulty and led them into the open. A delegation asked for food. Immediately waiters from the Duma restaurant were sent out with trays of tea and food until the place was cleaned out.

Last Stand of the Old Regime At nightfall on March 12 only one small district of the city, containing the War Office, the Admiralty Building, St. Isaac's Cathedral, and the Military Hotel, still resisted the onslaught of the revolutionary forces, and the battle for the possession of Petrograd came to a dramatic conclusion. In the Admiralty Building the Council of Ministers secretly gathered for a conference, and the last regiments loyal to the old Government were drawn up as a guard.

While the Council sat in the last meeting which they were destined to hold, the building was surrounded and the besiegers poured rifle and machine gun fire upon the defenders.

For a few hours the fiercest battle of the day continued; the streets were swept by a steady fusillade and the crowds scattered for the nearest shelter, some of the people being compelled to spend the night in courtyards or corridors of office buildings or wherever they first found refuge.

Toward morning there was a sudden

lull, broken by exultant shouts, which Moscow joined in with enthusiasm, as did deepened into a roar, and were succeeded Odessa. Within twenty-four hours news by the Russian revolutionary “ Marseil- came from all parts of Russia that city laise.” The regiments defending the Ad- after city, fortress after fortress, provmiralty had surrendered and gone over to inces, towns, and villages were aflame the side of the revolutionists.

with enthusiasm, and that the revolutionThe Ministers in the Admiralty Build- ists were in control, with the soldiers and ing were then arrested and the Russian workingmen in, fullest accord. national colors were replaced by the red One of the most impressive scenes of flag of the revolutionists.

the revolution at Petrograd was the arRodzianko's Telegrams

rival of the Preobrajensky Guards with

their Colonel and officers at the Tauris During the day revolutionary publica

Palace. The men, all of giant stature, tions appeared in the streets, with the

were drawn up in ranks four deep the simple caption “ News." These contained

whole length of the enormous Catherine a résumé of developments, and they were

Hall. The President of the Duma came eagerly read by all classes. Rodzianko's

out to greet them. On the appearance telegrams to the Emperor and others to

of M. Rodzianko the Colonel's voice rang the commanders of the troops at the

out, “ Preobrajensky, attention!” and the front were reproduced. The first mes

whole regiment stood at salute. M. sage to the Emperor read:

Rodzianko saluted them as follows: The situation is grave. Anarchy reigns in the capital. The Government is paralyzed.

“ Soldiers of the true faith, let me as The transport of provisions and fuel is com an old soldier greet you according to our pletely disorganized. General dissatisfaction

custom. I wish you good health.” is growing. Irregular rifle firing is occurring in the streets. It is necessary to charge im

“ We wish good health to your Exmediately some person trusted by the people cellency," came the thunderous response. to form a new Government. It is impossible

The President continued: to linger, since delay means death. Praying

“I want to thank you for coming God that the responsibility in this hour will not fall upon a crowned head.

here to help the members of the ImLater President Rodzianko sent the

perial Duma to establish order and to following to the Emperor:

safeguard the honor and glory of our The position is becoming more serious. It country. Your comrades are fighting is imperative that immediate measures be in the trenches for the might and majtaken, because tomorrow will be too late. esty of Russia, and I am proud that my The last hour has come when the fate of the

son has been serving since the beginning fatherland and the dynasty are being decided.

of the war in your ranks. But in order Similar telegrams were sent to all the that you should be able to advance the commanders at the front with an appeal

cause and interests which have been for their support before the Emperor of undertaken by the Duma you must rethe Duma's action. General Alexis Bru. main a disciplined force. You know as siloff, Commander in Chief of the armies well as I do that soldiers are helpless of the southwestern front, and General without their officers. I ask you to reNicholas Ruzsky, Commander of the main faithful to your officers and to northern armies, replied promptly. Gen. have confidence in them, just as we have eral Brusiloff sent this message:

confidence in them. Return quietly to « Have fulfilled duty before fatherland your barracks and come here at the first and Emperor."

call when you may be required.” General Ruzsky's reply read:

“We are ready," answered the Preo“ Commission accomplished.”

brajensky Guards. “ Show us the way.” The revolt seemed to overspread all “The old authority is incapable of Russia simultaneously. Kronstadt, the leading Russia the right way," was the great fortress and seaport at the head of answer. “Our first task is to establish the Gulf of Finland, joined the revolu- a new authority in which we could all tionary movement without firing a gun. believe and trust, and which would be able to save and magnify our mother views expressed while a member of the Russia.”

Faculty of the University of Moscow. The soldiers marched out, shouting, He came to Chicago and became Profes“ Hurrah!”

sor of Russian History at the University M. Rodzianko greeted in the same of Chicago, a post which he relinquished manner the officers and men of the later to return to Russia. Grenadier Guards and the officers and In 1898 Milukoff, then a Professor at troopers of the Ninth Cavalry Regiment. Moscow, was snatched from his class

After the President's speech to the room one day, subjected to a summary troopers their Colonel, addressing them, Russian trial, and exiled to Siberia. He said:

was guilty of liberal tendencies. He was “ Men, I intend to carry out all or in exile for two years, the result of ders given to me by the President of which was his “ History of Russian Culthe Imperial Duma. I remain with you ture,” a justification of revolution on on condition that you obey my orders. historic grounds. Hurrah for the President of the Im On his return to Russia he was rearperial Duma!”

rested and led across the frontier into The troopers cheered loudly.

Bulgaria. A warrant of expatriation, isThe Provisional Government

sued from Petrograd, excluded him from

the Czar's domain for two years. MiluThe members of the new National Cabinet are as follows:

koff's answer was an immediate return

to Petrograd, where he was again arPremier, President of the Council, and Minister of the Interior-Prince Georges E.

rested and held in jail for five months Lvoff.

without trial. When he was released he Foreign Minister-Professor Paul N. Milu

again came to Chicago. koff.

Minister of Public Instruction-Professor At the University of Chicago Professor Manuiloff of Moscow University.

Milukoff was looked upon as one of the Minister of War and Navy, ad Interim-A. J. Guchkoff, formerly President of the Duma.

most brilliant members of the Faculty. Minister of Agriculture-M. Ichingareff, He is an eminent scholar in several lines, Deputy from Petrograd.

though he confined himself here to lecMinister of Finance-M. Tereschtenko, Dep

turing on Russian social conditions. In uty from Kiev. Minister of Justice-Deputy Kerenski of

addition to his lectures here he has lecSaratoff.

tured at various times before the Lowell Minister of Communications-N. V. Nekra

Institute in Boston. In all he spent four soff, Vice President of the Duma. Controller of State-M. Godneff, Deputy

years in Chicago. from Kazan.

Milukoff's influence upon European Minister of Trade and Commerce-A. I. opinion outside of Russia has been great. Konovaloff. Procurator General of the Holy Synod-M.

On his third visit to America, in 1908, he Lvoff.

told interviewers that his speeches in the The new Premier is the most popular Duma frequently were interrupted by man in Russia, head and chief of the some one shouting, “ American," or combined Urban and Rural Zemstvo Com- “ American citizen." In proof of his immittees, organizer and feeder in chief of perturbability, he added: “So now I al.. the Russian armies in the field, the man most invariably begin my speeches by whom all students of Russian affairs quoting something · American.'” have expected to see made head of any Late in January a plot to assassinate new Government established. He is a Professor Milukoff was exposed. The Russian, a Slav in fact as well as in assassination was planned by the organname, and has the entire confidence of ization known as the Black Hundred, the the Russian people.

reactionary body which has for years The new Foreign Minister, Professor been an instrument of political crimes in Milukoff, has been for years the courage- Russia. The man chosen, however, conous leader of the Russian liberals. He fessed the part he was to play before was banished from Russia for political the crime was committed.

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