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of cipher code or any paper, document, or book written or printed in cipher or in which there may be invisible writing;
3. All property found in the possession of an alien enemy in violation of the foregoing regulations shall be subject to seizure by the United States;
4. An alien enemy shall not approach or be found within one-half of a mile of any Federal or State fort, camp, arsenal, aircraft station, Government or naval vessel, navy yard, factory, or workshop for the manufacture of munitions of war or of any products for the use of the army or navy;
5. An alien enemy shall not-write, print, or publish any attack or threat against the Government or Congress of the United States, or either branch thereof, or against the measures or policy of the United States, or against the persons or property of any person in the military, naval, or civil service of the United States, or of the States or Territories, or of the District of Columbia, or of the municipal governments therein;
6. An alien enemy shall not commit or abet any hostile acts against the United States or give information, aid, or comfort to its enemies;
7. An alien enemy shall not reside in or continue to reside in, to remain in, or enter any locality which the President may from time to time designate by an Executive order as a prohibitive area, in which residence by an alien enemy shall be found by him to constitute a danger to the public peace and safety of the United States, except by permit from the President and except under such limitations or restrictions as the President may prescribe ;
8. An alien enemy whom the President shall have reasonable cause to believe to be aiding or about to aid the enemy or to be at large to the danger of the public peace or safety of the United States, or to have violated or to be about to violate any of these regulations, shall remove to any location designated by the President by Executive order, and shall not remove therefrom without permit, or shall depart from the United States if so required by the President;
9. No alien enemy shall depart from the United States until he shall have received such permit as the President shall prescribe, or except under order of a court, Judge, or Justice, under Sections 4,069 and 4,070 of the Revised Statutes;
10. No alien enemy shall land in or enter the United States except under such restrictions and at such places as the President may prescribe ;
11. If necessary to prevent violation of the regulations, all alien enemies will be obliged to register;
12. An alien enemy whom there may be reasonable cause to believe to be aiding or about to aid the enemy, or who may be at large to the danger of the public peace or safety, or who violates or who attempts to violate or of whom there is reasonable grounds to believe that he is about to violate, any regulation to be promulgated by the President or any criminal law of the United States, or of the States or Territories thereof, will be subject to summary arrest by the United States Marshal, or his Deputy, or such other officers as the President shall designate, and to confinement in such penitentiary, prison, jail, military camp, or other place of detention as may be directed by the President.
This proclamation and the regulations herein contained shall extend and apply to all land and water, continental or insular, in any way within the jurisdiction of the United States.
The President's War Economies Proclamation
THE WHITE HOUSE, April 15, 1917.
democracy and human rights which has shaken the world creates so many
and settlement that I hope you will permit me to address to you a few words of earnest counsel and appeal with regard to them.
We are rapidly putting our navy upon an effective war footing, and are about to create and equip a great army, but these are the simplest parts of the great task to which we have addressed ourselves. There is not a single selfish element, so far as I can see, in the cause we are fighting for. We are fighting for what we believe and wish to be the rights of mankind and for the future peace and security of the world. To do this great thing worthily and successfully we must devote ourselves
to the service without regard to profit or material advantage and with an energy and intelligence that will rise to the level of the enterprise itself. We must realize to the full how great the task is and how many things, how many kinds and elements of capacity and service and self-sacrifice it involves.
These, then, are the things we must do, and do well, besides fighting—the things without which mere fighting would be fruitless:
We must supply abundant food for ourselves and for our armies and our seamen, not only, but also for a large part of the nations with whom we have now made common cause, in whose support and by whose sides we shall be fighting.
We must supply ships by the hundreds out of our shipyards to carry to the other side of the sea, submarines or no submarines, what will every day be needed there, and abundant materials out of our fields and our mines and our factories with which not only to clothe and equip our own forces on land and sea, but also to clothe and support our people, for whom the gallant fellows under arms can no longer work; to help clothe and equip the armies with which we are co-operating in Europe, and to keep the looms and manufactories there in raw material; coal to keep the fires going in ships at sea and in the furnaces of hundreds of factories across the sea; steel out of which to make arms and ammunition both here and there; rails for wornout railways back of the fighting fronts; locomotives and rolling stock to take the place of those every day going to pieces; mules, horses, cattle for labor and for military service; everything with which the people of England and France and Italy and Russia have usually supplied themselves, but cannot now afford the men, the materials, or the machinery to make.
It is evident to every thinking man that our industries, on the farms, in the shipyards, in the mines, in the factories, must be made more prolific and more efficient than ever, and that they must be more economically managed and better adapted to the particular requirements of our task than they have been; and what I want to say is that the men and the women who devote their thought and their energy to these things will be serving the country and conducting the fight for peace and freedom just as truly and just as effectively as the men on the battlefield or in the trenches. The industrial forces of the country, men and women alike, will be a great national, a great international service army-a notable and honored host engaged in the service of the nation and the world, the efficient friends and saviors of free men everywhere. Thousands, nay, hundreds of thousands, of men otherwise liable to military service will of right and of necessity be excused from that service and assigned to the fundamental, sustaining work of the fields and factories and mines, and they will be as much part of the great patriotic forces of the nation as the men under fire.
I take the liberty, therefore, of addressing this word to the farmers of the country and to all who work on the farms: The supreme need of our own nation and of the nations with which we are co-operating is an abundance of supplies, and especially of foodstuffs. The importance of an adequate food supply, especially for the present year, is superlative. Without abundant food, alike for the armies and the peoples now at war, the whole great enterprise upon which we have embarked will break down and fail. The world's food reserves are low. Not only during the present emergency, but for some time after peace shall have come, both our own people and a large proportion of the people of Europe must rely upon the harvests in America.
Upon the farmers of this country, therefore, in large measure rests the fate of the war and the fate of the nations. May the nation not count upon them to omit no step that will increase the production of their land or that will bring about the most effectual co-operation in the sale and distribution of their products? The time is short. It is of the most imperative importance that everything possible be done, and done immediately, to make sure of large harvests. I call upon young men and old alike and upon the able-bodied boys of the land to accept and act upon this
duty—to turn in hosts to the farms and make certain that no pains and no labor is lacking in this great matter.
I particularly appeal to the farmers of the South to plant abundant foodstuffs, as well as cotton. They can show their patriotism in no better or more convincing way than by resisting the great temptation of the present price of cotton and helping, helping upon a great scale, to feed the nation and the peoples everywhere who are fighting for their liberties and for our own. The variety of their crops will be the visible measure of their comprehension of their national duty.
The Government of the United States and the Governments of the several States stand ready to co-operate. They will do everything possible to assist farmers in securing an adequate supply of seed, an adequate force of laborers when they are most needed, at harvest time, and the means of expediting shipments of fertilizers and farm machinery, as well as of the crops themselves when harvested. The course of trade shall be as unhampered as it is possible to make it, and there shall be no unwarranted manipulation of the nation's food supply by those who handle it on its way to the consumer. This is our opportunity to demonstrate the efficiency of a great democracy, and we shall not fall short of it!
This let me say to the middlemen of every sort, whether they are handling our foodstuffs or our raw materials of manufacture or the products of our mills and factories: The eyes of the country will be especially upon you. This is your opportunity for signal service, efficient and disinterested. The country expects you, as, it expects all others, to forego unusual profits, to organize and expedite shipments of supplies of every kind, but especially of food, with an eye to the service you are rendering and in the spirit of those who enlist in the ranks, for their people, not for themselves. I shall confidently expect you to deserve and win the confidence of people of every sort and station.
To the men who run the railways of the country, whether they be managers or operative employes, let me say that the railways are the arteries of the nation's life and that upon them rests the immense responsbility of seeing to it that those arteries suffer no obstruction of any kind, no inefficiency or slackened power. To the merchant let me suggest the motto, “Small profits and quick service,” and to the shipbuilder the thought that the life of the war depends upon him. The food and the war supplies must be carried across the seas, no matter how many ships are sent to the bottom. The places of those that go down must be supplied, and supplied at once. To the miner let me say that he stands where the farmer does: the work of the world waits on him. If he slackens or fails, armies and statesmen are helpless. He also is enlisted in the great Service Army. The manufacturer does not need to be told, I hope, that the nation looks to him to speed and perfect every process; and I want only to remind his employes that their service is absolutely indispensable and is counted on by every man who loves the country and its liberties.
Let me suggest, also, that every one who creates or cultivates a garden helps, and helps greatly, to solve the problem of the feeding of the nations; and that every housewife who practices strict economy puts herself in the ranks of those who serve the nation. This is the time for America to correct her unpardonable fault of wastefulness and extravagance. Let every man and every woman assume the duty of careful, provident use and expenditure as a public duty, as a dictate of patriotism which no one can now expect ever to be excused or forgiven for ignoring.'
In the hope that this statement of the needs of the nation and of the world in this hour of supreme crisis may stimulate those to whom it comes and remind all who need reminder of the solemn duties of a time such as the world has never seen before, I beg that all editors and publishers everywhere will give as prominent publication and as wide circulation as possible to this appeal. I venture to suggest, also, to all advertising agencies that they would perhaps render a very substantial and timely service to the country if they would give it widespread repetition. And I hope that clergymen will not think the theme of it an unworthy or inappropriate subject of comment and homily from their pulpits. The supreme test of the nation has come. We must all speak, act, and serve together!
UNITED STATES DECLARES WAR
Narrative of Events Before and After the
HE United States and the Imperial
German Government were officially proclaimed to be at war on
Friday, April 6, 1917, when the President of the United States signed a joint resolution passed in both houses of Congress by overwhelming majorities, formally declaring a state of war between the two Governments.
On March 9 President Wilson, after the Senate had modified its rules so that debate could be limited, called Congress to meet in extra session on April 16,“ to receive such communications as may be made by the Executive." This call was contemporaneous with the President's decision that he would authorize the arming of merchant ships and the detail of naval gun crews to man them as a protection against unrestricted German submarines. It was construed as practically a war measure in that the President desired Congress to be at hand to give support to the Government in its defense of merchant shipping.
On March 12 Secretary Lansing gave the following formal notice of the action of the United States:
In view of the announcement of the Imperial German Government on Jan. 31, 1917, that all ships, those of neutrals included, met within certain zones of the high seas, wou!d be sunk without any precaution taken for the safety of the persons on board, and without the exercise of visit and search, the Gov. ernment of the United States has determined to place upon all American merchant vessels sailing through the barred areas an armed guard for the protection of the vessels and the lives of the persons on board. On March 14 the news
came that the American steamship Algonquin, bound from New York for London with a cargo of foodstuffs, had been attacked without warning on March 2, and had been sunk by a German submarine with shell fire and bombs; the crew had escaped, and after twenty-seven hours in open boats had been rescued. This news created disagreeable impression
throughout the country. Public opinion at length burst into intense excitement on Monday, March 19, when it was announced that within the preceding twenty-four hours three American ships, the City of Memphis, the Illinois, and the Vigilancia, had been sunk by German submarines near the English coast, and that fifteen members of the Vigilancia's crew were lost. The City of Memphis, some of whose men were then missing, had left Cardiff in ballast for New York the day before; she was overhauled Saturday at 5 P. M. by a German submarine and the Captain was given fifteen minutes to get his crew into boats. The American flag was flying from the mast, but the ship was shelled, torpedoed, and sunk within twenty minutes. The Vigi. lancia was torpedoed without warning; she was in ballast. The Illinois was a tank steamship and was bound from Texas for London with a cargo of oil valued at $1,000,000. The City of Memphis was of 5,252 gross tonnage; the Vigilancia 4,115, the Illinois 5,220 tons; all bore the American flag and were conspicuously marked as American ships.
The news of the sinking of these vessels created deep indignation. It was apparent that Germany had determined to defy the American people to do their worst, and the issue of peace or war was no longer in doubt.
The day following the receipt of the news President Wilson had a long conference with Secretary of the Navy Daniels, and as a result orders were issued for speeding up work on warships under construction; also for the issue of bonds to obtain money for this purpose. The eight-hour day for Government naval construction was suspended; two classes of midshipmen were ordered to be graduated ahead of time, and all other preparations for war were hurried. The country was in tense expectation of some momentous step.
The Cabinet was summoned by the
President on the afternoon of the 20th, and the session lasted more than two hours. No formal announcement of ihe decision was made, but it was given out that it was the unanimous opinion of the President's advisers that a state of war was in fact existing between the United States and Germany, and that the special session of Congress should be summoned to meet at an earlier date than April 1.6, the time originally set.
On Wednesday, March 21, the President reached his momentous decision, and forthwith issued a proclamation summoning Congress in extra session on April 2, " to receive a communication by the Executive on grave questions of national policy, which should be immediately taken under consideration"
Nation's War Sentiment This action was recognized everywhere as the preliminary step to declaring a state of war. Europe regarded it as the definite plunge of the United States into the world conflict. Meanwhile all war preparations were actively proceeding, and the war policy of the country was taking shape.
The news from America was received in Germany without excitement and produced no alteration whatever in her submarine policy. During the night of March 22 the American tank steamer Healdton, proceeding with a cargo of petroleum from Philadelphia to Rotterdam, was sunk without warning in the North Sea, and seven of her crew were lost.
Mass meetings were held in many parts of the United States, pledging loyalty to the country, approving the severance of relations with Germany, and demanding war. Typical of these were the resolutions passed at a mass meeting of 12,000 people in Madison Square Garden, New York, on March 22. Addresses were lelivered by former Secretary of State Root, a stanch Republican; former Secretary of the Treasury Fairchild, a strong Democrat, and Mayor Mitchel of New York. A letter from former President Roosevelt was read, in which he asserted that Germany was at war with the United States and demanded that we accept the gage of battle. The resolutions adopted were as follows:
Whereas, Germany has destroyed our ships, niurdered our citizens, restricted our cominerce by illegal submarine warfare, and attempted to array against us the friendly powers Japan and Mexico in a plot to dismember our nation; and
Whereas, By these and other hostile acts Germany is now virtually making against the United States ;
Resolved, That we approve the action of the President in severing diplomatic relations with Germany, in deciding to arm American vessels, and in calling Congress in extra ses. sion;
Resolved, That we call upon our Government for prompt, vigorous, and courageous leadership in the immediate mobilizing of the entire naval, military, and industrial strength of the nation, including the augmenting of our army and navy for the effective protection of American rights and the faithful discharge of America's duties in the present crisis;
Resolved, That we urge upon Congress the immediate enactment of a Universal Military Training bill providing for a permanent national defense based on the duty of every able-bodied citizen to share in the protection of his country and in the maintenance of its high ideals;
Resolved. That we declare our deep conviction that the principles of national conduct governing Germany's actions in the present war are inconsistent with the principles of democracy and with the purposes and aspirations of this Republic; and we hold that the time has now come when it is the duty of this nation to take part in the common task of defending civilization and human liberty against German military aggression; and
Whereas, Cur Government in severing dinlomatic relations with Germany gave notice that further overt acts of war would be forcibly resisted; and said overt acts have been committed in the sinking of the Laconia, the City of Memphis, the Illinois, the Vigilancia, and other vessels, with the loss of American lives; therefore, be it
Resolved, That we call upon Congress as soon as assembled to declare that by the acts of Germany a state of war does now exist between that country and the United States.
Activities of Pacifists On the other hand, a group of prominent men were strongly opposed to our entry into the war. They instituted a nation-wide publicity propaganda to bring public pressure upon Congress and the President to keep us out of war. A mass meeting was held in New York on the night of March 24 at Madison Square Garden, and resolutions were passed opposing war and demanding a general referendum on the subject. All over the