country, however, there were evidences that the prevailing sentiment was overwhelmingly for war. Many States took steps toward defense and appropriated large sums to provide the measures. Preliminary Call for Men On March 25 President Wilson signed an order authorizing an increase in the enlisted strength of the navy to 87,000 men, being an addition of 26,000, and the War Department issued orders calling out units of the National Guard in nine Eastern States and the District of Columbia for police purposes. The order was regarded as indicating extensive precautions to forestall any outbreak by enemy agents upon the expected declaration of a state of war. Munitions plants, bridges, railroads, and all other important public property which might be in danger of attack upon the outbreak of war were to be carefully guarded. The first call affected 13,000 men; on March 26 units from eighteen Western States, affecting 25,000 additional men, were called, and this was followed by other calls, so that by April 12 60,000 National Guardsmen had been called out. Policy Toward Germans To allay unrest and apprehension of Germans residing in the United States, it was announced at Washington on the 20th that there would be no general internment of German citizens or German reservists resident in this country in the event of war between the United States and Germany. Secretary of War Baker authorized the formal statement that "everybody of every nationality who conducts himself in accordance with American law will be free from official molestation, both now and in the future." He declared that rumors that the department had plans for the internment of resident aliens had no foundation in fact. It was during this period of excitement that the arrival was announced of the first armed American steamship at a European port. The American liner St. Louis left New York March 17, with two guns forward and one aft and with a detail of crack marksmen of the United States Navy; she reached Liverpool with out encountering any hostile submarines, on Monday, March 26. During the same period merchantmen of various other lines were equipped with guns and departed daily from various American ports. The period between the President's call and the assembling of Congress was full of excitement throughout the country. Every department of the Government was keyed up to the highest pitch of energetic preparation for war. The mustering out of National Guardsmen who had been on duty on the Mexican border was stopped, and 22,000 guardsmen who were about to be relieved were retained in the ranks. The navy intensified its recruiting work and the Cabinet held daily sessions to discuss questions of war policy and of ways and means. German Chancellor's Speech The first official word that came from Germany after it was clear that President Wilson had decided to ask Congress to declare war was made public March 30 in the form of a dispatch from Berlin, transmitted by the semi-official news agency, giving the text of a speech delivered in the German Reichstag March 29 by Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg. He proceeded to review the causes which led up to the unrestricted use of submarines by Germany as a matter, he said, of self-defense. Then he added: Within the next few days the directors of the American Nation will be convened by President Wilson for an extraordinary session of Congress in order to decide the question of war or peace between the American and German Nations. Germany never had the slightest intention of attacking the United States of America, and does not have such intention now. It never desired war against the United States of America and does not desire it today. How did these things develop? More than once we told the United States that we made unrestricted use of the submarine weapon, expecting that England could be made to observe, in her policy of blockade, the laws of humanity and of international agreements. This blockade policy (this I expressly recall) has been called illegal and indefensible (the Imperial Chancellor here used the English words) by President Wilson and Secretary of State Lansing. Our expectations, which we maintained during eight months, have been disappointed completely. England not only did not give up her illegal and indefensible policy of blockade, Then we took unrestricted submarine warfare into our hands; then we had to for our defense. If the American Nation considers this a cause for which to declare war against the German Nation with which it has lived in peace for more than 100 years, if this action warrants an increase of bloodshed, we shall not have to bear the responsibility for it. feels neither The German Nation, which hatred nor hostility against the United States of America, shall also bear and overcome this. Among the speeches of party leaders commenting on the Chancellor's address those of Dr. Gustav Stresemann, National Liberal, and Count von Westarp, Conservative, were the most important. Herr Stresemann remarked: "A declaration of war by America will be possible only because American public opinion has been misled.” Count von Westarp alluded briefly to America, saying: "We can await the decision of America with complete calm, and the execution of our operations in the barred zone will not be changed thereby." Lord Cecil's Bitter Reply This declaration of the Imperial Chancellor was bitterly attacked the next day by Lord Robert Cecil, the British Blockade Minister, in the following formal statement: The German Chancellor claims that Germany in the past renounced the unrestricted use of her submarine weapon in the expectation that Great Britain could be made to observe in her blockade policy the laws of huIt is manity and international agreements. difficult to say whether this statement is the more remarkable for its hypocrisy or for that It would hardly seem its falseness. Germany is in a position to speak of huinternational agreements, since manity or she began this war by deliberately violating the international agreement guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium, and has continued it by violating all the dictates of humanity. Has the Chancellor forgotten that the German forces have been guilty of excesses 'n Belgium, unparalleled in history, culminating in the attempted enslavement of a dauntless people, of poisoning wells, of bombarding open towns, torpedoing hospital ships and sinking other vessels with total disregard for the safety of noncombatants on board, with the result that many hundreds of innocent The latest manifestation of this policy is to The Chancellor states that it is because the He said that as soon as he himself, in agree- has now arrived. Last "This moment Autumn the time was not ripe, but today the moment has come when, with the greatest we can undertake this prospect of success, We must not wait any longer. enterprise. Where has there been a change? In the first place, the most important fact of all is that the number of our submarines has been very considerably increased as compared with last Spring, and thereby a firm basis has been created for success." Does not this prove conclusively that it was not any scruple or any respect for international law or neutral rights that prewarfare from being vented unrestricted adopted earlier, but merely a lack of means to carry it out? I think it may be useful once again to point out that the illegal and inhuman attack on shipping by the Germans cannot be justified as a reprisal for the action of Great Britain in attempting to cut off from Germany all imports. The submarine campaign was clearly contemplated as far back as December, 1914, when Admiral von Tirpitz gave an indication to an American correspondent in Berlin of the projected plan. As for the plea that the Allies are aiming at the annihilation of Germany and her allies and that ruthless warfare is, therefore, justified, it is sufficient in order to refute this to quote the following passage from the Allies' reply of Jan. 10, 1917, to President Wilson's note: "There is no need to say that if the Allies desire to liberate Europe from the brutal covetousness of Prussian militarism, the extermination and political disappearance of the German people have never, as has been pretended, formed a part of their design." Patriotic Rallies A notable patriotic rally occurred March 31 at Independence Square, Philadelphia, when resolutions were adopted pledging loyal support to the President in any action he might take for the protection of American rights on land and sea; it was one of the largest and most enthusiastic that ever assembled at Independence Square. Enthusiastic mass meetings with tumultuous ardor were also held in Chicago, Pittsburgh, Boston, Milwaukee, St. Louis, San Francisco, and in nearly all the important cities of the country. The pacifist propagandists, however, were busy and were issuing appeals and urging united action to bring influences on Congress to avert a declaration of war. General calls were issued by both pacifists and war patriots to meet at Washington when Congress assembled, and there were acrimonious debates at various meetings between the contending parties, sometimes attended with violence. Washington was a seething city on April 1, the day before Congress convened; delegations of both pacifists and war patriots came from all parts of the country, though the number of pacifists fell considerably short of expectations. It was intended by both to hold conventions and parades, but in order to avoid possible trouble all parades in Washington were forbidden. The day Congress assembled there were few outward signs to indicate that the United States was about to enter into the greatest war in history. The only difference in the normal aspect of Washington was in the somewhat larger crowds in the streets and the fact that National Guardsmen and regular troops were on guard at strategic points, that the new iron gates of the White House grounds were closed and guarded, and that admittance to some of the Government departments was obtainable only on identification. Historic Joint Session of Congress HE new Congress, the Sixty-fifth, which had been chosen in the preced ing November, met in response to the President's special call at noon on April 2. The members in assembling had to crowd their way through swarms of pacifists who had assembled on the Capitol steps to use what influence they could against war. The House of Representatives had resolved on acting in a patriotic spirit and determined to show no spirit of partisanship in organizing. The blind Chaplain, the Rev. Dr. Henry M. Couden, offered a prayer in which he said: God of the Ages, our father's God and our God, whose holy influence has shaped and guided the destiny of our Republic from its inception, we wait upon that influence to guide us in the present crisis which has been thrust upon us. Diplomacy has failed; moral suasion has failed; every appeal to reason and justice has been swept aside. We abhor war and love peace. But if war has been, or shall be, forced upon us, we pray that the heart of every American citizen shall throb with patriotic zeal; that a united people may rally around our President to hold up his hands in every measure that shall be deemed necessary to protect American lives and safeguard our inherent rights. Let Thy blessings, we beseech Thee, attend the Congress now convened in extraordinary session under extraordinary conditions which call for extraordinary thought, wise counsel, calm and deliberate legislation; that its resolves and all its enactments may spring spontaneously from loyal and patriotic hearts; that our defenders on land and sea may be amply supplied with the things which make for strength and efficiency. And, O God, our Heavenly Father, let Thy strong right arm uphold, sustain, and guide us in a just and righteous cause; for Thine is the kingdom, the power, and glory, forever, amen. The roll was then called, amid the usual confusion; but when Montana was reached the Clerk rapped for order, and in the stillness that finally followed he called the name of Miss Rankin, the first woman ever elected to Congress. Both sides of the House burst out in applause, and Miss Rankin blushed and smiled, but they wanted her to stand up, and they cheered until she did, bowing first to the Republican side, then to the Democratic. Champ Clark as Speaker Champ Clark was placed in nomination for his fourth term as Speaker by Mr. Schall of Minnesota, a man elected as a Progressive in a district which, he told |