ninety-three from the British steamer Voltaire, which was sunk on Nov. 21. On Dec. 6 a Newfoundland trawler was stopped and sunk while on a journey to Gibraltar with fish. The same evening the C. P. R. liner Mount Temple, with a cargo of 750 horses and 5,000 tons of merchandise, was stopped by seven shots. The steward and one sailor were killed, and another sailor had both his legs smashed. The crew, numbering 107, were taken on board. The Mount Temple was finally sunk by bombs, the horses struggling for life in the icy water. "In the evening of Dec. 10 the large White Star liner Georgic, having on board 1,200 horses, was brought to a halt by shots. Great panic prevailed on board and fifty of the men jumped into the water without their clothes on, but only one of them was drowned. The vessel was then blown up by bombs. Hundreds of horses, swimming toward the Möwe, made desperate efforts to clamber on board, but the German sailors, standing with loaded revolvers, killed them as they reached the ship. "On Dec. 11 the British steamer Yarrowdale was encountered. As there were already 500 men on board the Möwe, the Captain decided that his latest capture must go to Germany with his prisoners. For a whole day after leaving the Möwe the Yarrowdale was in communication with her by wireless. The Yarrowdale at last got the order to go northward, and the ship then made for the south coast of Iceland, Norway, the Cattegat, &c., and was compelled by storm to anchor near Hveen Island, in the sound, where a German patrol ship appeared. It was at this spot that two British sailors attempted to escape, but they were discovered. They offered violent resistance, and bit and scratched the enemy. The next day the Yarrowdale anchored in Swedish waters and a Swedish destroyer appeared. The 500 prisoners were commanded to go below. The Swedish officer came on board, but failed to find anything suspicious. Meanwhile the Germans stood with their revolvers leveled against the prisoners in the hold. While the Möwe was still busy it was known that one or more auxiliary raiders were at work in the same region. The captured British steamer St. Theodore was said to have been fitted out with guns from the Möwe, and there were rumors of a German raider named the Venetia assisting in the work of destruction. A circumstantial account of the sinking of the Venetia by the British cruiser Glasgow on Jan. 25 was told by an officer of that warship. Exploits of the Seeadler More tangible, however, was the news brought to Rio Janeiro on March 20 by the French bark Cambronne. A new raider, the Seeadler, (Sea Eagle,) was at work in the South Atlantic and had already sunk eleven vessels. The Cambronne, one of the Seeadler's victims, brought 277 men from the crews of other captured vessels in addition to her own crew of twenty-two. She had encountered the raider on March 7 at a point two-thirds of the way across to the African coast, and had been commanded, after receiving the refugees on board, to proceed to Brazil, a voyage of twenty-two days. The Seeadler had left Germany on Dec. 22, escorted by a submarine. The commander declared to his prisoners that the German Emperor and the Crown Prince alone knew of the expedition. The vessel's guns and two gasoline launches had been concealed in the hold while she was running the British blockade. On sighting a merchantman the raider would first hoist the Norwegian flag, which would be replaced by a German flag when her prey was within reach of her guns. The commander presented to the Captain of each ship he sank an engraved certificate setting forth the circumstances in which it had been destroyed. The prisoners all said they were well treated aboard and no loss of life had occurred. Five were Americans. The ships sunk, as reported by the American Consul General at Rio de Janeiro, were the British steamers Lady Island, Gladys, Royal Hongar, and sailing vessels Pintors, British Yeoman, Terse; Italian vessel Buenos Aires, and French vessels Charles Gounod, Antoine, Rochefaucauld, and Dupliex, all between January and March in the neighborhood of Madeira and Cape Verde Islands. Democratic Progress in Germany T HE news of the Russian revolution was hardly known in Berlin before the Imperial Chancellor, von Bethmann Hollweg, appeared before the Prussian Diet, on March 14, and delivered a speech which startled the empire from end to end, (see CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE, April, 1917, Page 37.) "Woe to the statesman who cannot read the signs of the times!" were his words of warning. After the Chancellor's speech declaring that there must be reforms, the debate became tempestuous, the Socialists seizing the opportunity to attack Junkerism and demand the abolition of the Herrenhaus, the Prussian House of Lords. "We are no longer serfs," said Deputy Leinert, a Socialist, "whom the King can buy and sell or order to bleed and die at the word of command." Amid cheers Leinert spoke of the coming time when Junkerism would be swept off the earth. The speech of another Socialist, Adolf Hoffmann, provoked so much commotion that it was cut short, but before he was silenced he made the following remarks: We shall refuse to vote for the budget. Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg is merely the fig leaf of military absolutism. Militarism bears the responsibility for the bloodshed in Europe, and only when militarism and despotism are removed will the people breathe freely. Force of arms will not lead to a decision and peace. Distress, desperation, and general collapse will do it. When both enemies are equally strong the threat of crushing is sheer nonsense. Germany, despite many successes, has not conquered. The German peace proposal with its tone of victory was bound to cause vexation and distrust. She should have communicated her peace terms and thereby dissipated her enemies' distrust. The revolution in Russia should be a warning to our rulers. The German submarine warfare is opposed to the laws of humanity and international law. The floodgates of democratic agitation were now open. Philipp Scheidemann, leader of the majority of the Socialist Party in the Reichstag, which had stood behind the Government since the beginning of the war, came out in an article in Vorwärts on March 19 with the bold statement, "The whole world sees among our enemies more or less developed forms of democracy, and in us it sees only Prussians." There was a stormy scene in the Reichstag on March 22, when the Socialist Deputy Kunert charged the Kaiser and the Imperial Chancellor with having been the originators of the war. Another sign of which way the wind was blowing was the election to fill the seat in the lower house of the Prussian Diet which had been vacated by Liebknecht. Dr. Franz Mehring, a member of the anti-war Socialist minority, who at one time had been placed under "preventive arrest," was easily elected, though opposed by a representative of the Socialist majority. The ever-growing scarcity of food was a constant contributor to the popular discontent, and when it was announced that after April 15 the bread ration was to be reduced by one-fourth, it seemed that the breaking point would soon be reached. But the Junkers, the Prussian Herrenhaus, were not to be easily moved even by the most solemn warnings. They declared against reform of the three-class system of voting for the Diet and all proposals whatever for increasing popular rights. The language of the noblemen who spoke on March 28 was reminiscent of the old days of the divine right of Kings. “My highest war aim," said Count von Roon, "is to maintain the Crown and the monarchy as high as the heavens." Others asserted they would stand by the "good old Prussia." That the power of the Junkers was still very great was shown by the fact that their opposition induced von Bethmann Hollweg to decide that political reform must be postponed till after the war. This decision he announced in the Reichstag on March 29, and instantly there were outbursts of indignation, not only by the Socialists, who are leading the fight for German democracy, but also by such moderates as the National Liberals. The Socialist leader Georg Ledebour made a historic speech, in which he said: Kerensky [the new Russian Minister of Justice and a Socialist] is now the most powerful man in Russia, yet he was lately only the leader of a small faction. We are few in the Reichstag, but behind us stands the industrial revolutionary population, true to democratic principles. We regard a republic as a coming inevitable development in Germany. History is now marching with seven-league boots. The German people, indeed, shows incredible patience. The Reichstag must have the right to a voice in the conclusion of alliances, peace treaties, and declarations of war. The Imperial Chancellor must be dismissed when the Reichstag demands it. The speech was interrupted by shouts of "High Treason!" Gustav Noske, another Socialist, referred to the "deplorable events" at Hamburg, Magdeburg, and elsewhere, indicating that there had been food riots, the reports of which had been suppressed by the censorship. References to the Russian revolution were frequent, and more than one speaker reminded von Bethmann Hollweg of his words, "Woe to the statesman who cannot read the signs of the times." Finally, despite the Government's intention to postpone reform questions till after the war, the Reichstag adopted by 227 votes against 33 a resolution appointing a committee of twenty-eight members to consider the whole subject of constitutional reform. The Kaiser, who had kept silent during all this agitation, was roused by President Wilson's message and the declaration of war which followed it, to come out openly in favor of reform. On April 7 it was announced that he had ordered the Imperial Chancellor to submit to him certain proposals for the reform of the Prussian electoral law, to be discussed and put into effect after the conclusion of peace. The text of the Kaiser's order follows: Never before have the German people proved to be so firm as in this war. The knowledge that the Fatherland is fighting in bitter self-defense has exercised a wonderful reconciling power, and, despite all sacrifices on the battlefield and severe privations at home, their determination has remained imperturbable to stake their last for the victorious issue. The national and social spirit have understood each other and become united, and have given us steadfast strength. Both of them realized what was built up in long years of peace and amid many internal struggles. This was certainly worth fighting for. Brightly before my eyes stand the achievements of the entire nation in battle and distress. The events of this struggle for the existence of the empire introduce, with high solemnity, a new time. It falls to you as the responsible Chancellor of the German Empire and First Minister of my Government in Prussia to assist in obtaining the fulfillment of the demands of this hour by right means and at the right time, and in this spirit shape our political life in order to make room for the free and joyful co-operation of all the members of our people. The principles which you have developed in this respect have, as you know, my approval. I feel conscious of remaining thereby on the road which my grandfather, the founder of the empire, as King of Prussia with military organization and as German Emperor with social reform, typically fulfilled as his monarchial obligations, thereby creating conditions by which the German people, in united and wrathful perseverance, will overcome this sanguinary time. The maintenance of the fighting force as a real people's army and the promotion of the social uplift of the people in all its classes was, from the beginning of my reign, my aim. In this endeavor, while holding a just balance between the people and the monarchy to serve the welfare of the whole, I am resolved to begin building up our internal political, economic, and social life as soon as the war situation permits. While millions of our fellow-countrymen are in the field, the conflict of opinions behind the front, which is unavoidable in such a farreaching change of constitution, must be postponed in the highest interests of the Fatherland until the time of the homecoming of our warriors and when they themselves are able to join in the counsel and the voting on the progress of the new order. Specifying the reforms that were necessary the Kaiser said: Reform of the Prussian Diet and liberation of our entire inner political life are especially dear to my heart. For the reform of the electoral law of the lower house preparatory work already had been begun at my request at the outbreak of the war. I charge you now to submit to me definite proposals of the Ministry of State, so that upon the return of our warriors this work, which is fundamental for the internal formation of Prussia, be carried out by legislation. In view of the gigantic deeds of the entire people there is, in my opinion, no more room in Prussia for election by the classes. The bill will have to provide further for direct and secret election of Deputies. The merits of the upper house and its lasting significance for the State no King of Prussia will misjudge. The upper house will be better able to do justice to the gigantic demands of the coming time if it unites in its midst in more extended and more proportional manner than hitherto from various classes and vocations of people men who are respected by their fellow-citizens. The election of the twenty-eight mem bers to the Committee on Reforms was fixed for April 24, the date on which the Reichstag was to resume its sittings after the Easter recess. T Reply to the Dardanelles Report HE report of the Special Parliamentary Commission on the Dardanelles Expedition, which had criticised Lord Kitchener, former Premier Asquith, and Mr. Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty, was the subject of a vigorous attack in Parliament on March 28, 1917. Speeches were made by Mr. Asquith and Mr. Churchill, in which the fairness of the report was challenged and its political use severely rebuked. Mr. Asquith paid a glowing tribute to Lord Kitchener, who had been represented as "a solitary, taciturn autocrat," who took no counsel with any one and insisted on having everything his own way. This Mr. Asquith denied. Lord Kitchener was, indeed, a masterful man and a formidable personality, but the fact was that at the outbreak of war all the General Staff went to France and no soldiers of experience were left in the country. The Government, therefore, in all military matters was bound to defer to Lord Kitchener's unrivaled authority, and no man ever had a heavier burden to carry. Mr. Asquith also revealed the fact that, at the outbreak of war, Lord Kitchener was the only man he ever thought of asking to become Secretary of State for War. Mr. Asquith, in replying to the criticism that there had been a delay of three weeks in sending reinforcements, said that the delay had been due, not to any vacillation or hesitation, but to two main considerations-first, that the Russian position was so bad at the time that Lord Kitchener feared the Germans might withdraw divisons from the eastern and send them to the western front, and, second, that both the British and French headquarters were putting the strongest pressure on him to dispatch the Twentyninth Division to France. Those were grave and weighty reasons," said Mr. Asquith, and, he added, "it is so easy to be wise after the event." He held that the Commissioners had not given sufficient weight to these considerations when they passed their censure. He dealt at some length with the criticisms of the report on his own neglect to summon a War Council between March 19 and May 14. His answer to this was that he had been in daily and hourly consultation with Lord Kitchener and Mr. Churchill, and that the operations were in the hands of the naval men on the spot. But there had been no fewer than thirteen meetings of the Cabinet in that period, and at several the Dardanelles operations had been discussed at length. As for the rôle of the experts at the War Council, Mr. Asquith declared that he had never known them to show the least reluctance to give their opinion, whether invited or uninvited, and though Lord Fisher was known to be averse to the Dardanelles operations, it was not on the ground that they were impracticable, but that his preference was for a different operation in a totally different sphere. Lord Fisher, said Mr. Asquith, was in a minority of one, but he explicitly agreed to undertake the naval operations. According to Mr. Churchill, everybody on the War Council knew of Lord Fisher's objections, but knew also that they were not objections based on the impracticability of "forcing " the Dardanellesa very different thing from "rushing" the Dardanelles, which no one ever contemplated. Lord Fisher, insisted Mr. Churchill, never objected to carrying out the operations until the Admiral on the spot changed his mind and advised that the naval attack should not be proceeded with. Mr. Churchill did not conceal his own desire to press the attack with the navy alone, but he was overruled, and then the fatal delays took place. He Toward the close of his speech Mr. Churchill intimated that if naval reinforcements had been furnished the result might have been different, as the Turkish ammunition was about exhausted at the time of the retirement. likewise affirmed, in a detailed review of the proceedings of the War Council, that the plans for a purely naval attack had received the considered approval of all the naval authorities, including the Admirals on the spot, Sir Henry Jackson, Admiral Oliver, and the French Naval Staff, and that Lord Fisher himself had agreed to carry it out. He contended that this naval attempt to force the Dardanelles was not a rash enterprise foisted upon an unwilling Admiralty, but was the plan of the naval experts themselves. Mr. Asquith by no means conceded that On the the expedition was a failure. contrary, he asserted that "it absolutely saved the position of Russia in the Caucasus; it prevented for months the defection of Bulgaria to the Central Powers; it kept at least 300,000 Turks immobile; and, what is more important, it cut off and annihilated a corps d'élite, the whole flower of the Turkish Army. The Turks have never recovered to this moment from the blow inflicted upon them, and it is certainly one of the contribu- Mr. Churchill, in his defense of the ex- success. Writing War History in France The article is here translated for CUR A contributor to Le Temps of Paris has placed on record the measures which self-conscious France is taking to aid the future historian. RENT HISTORY MAGAZINE. IN NSTINCTIVELY we are watching ourselves live in these heroic days. We feel, indeed, that the passionate curiosity of future centuries will be concentrated upon our acts and movements; we have become conscious of the consideration and respect which coming generations will lavish upon the men and things of today. We are secretly flattered by the thought, and, without going so far as to strike a pose before the painters of history, we are beginning discreetly to prepare their palettes and brushes. We throw furtive glances in the direc tion of the mirror that reflects our |