Fall of Craonne Not Announced The German reports made no reference to the capture of Craonne. On the other hand, the War Office report of May 8 announced the recapture of Fresnoy. On May 11 it was stated that the mutual activity of the artilleries had increased to great violence on the whole Arras battle front and that local advances by the British at Fresnoy and Roeux and between Monchy and Chérisy remained unsuccessful. On May 13 it was admitted that the British had succeeded in forcing their way through the German lines at Roeux. One report read: "The great attacks of the English have broken down. After very strong artillery preparation, which extended throughout the whole battlefield of Arras, from Lens to Queant, the English in the early morning attacked the lines between Gavrelle and the Scarpe, astride the Arras-Cambrai Road, and near Bullecourt. At Roeux they were successful in forcing an entry, but at all other points they were repulsed by our fire and hand-tohand fighting, and sustained the heaviest losses. In the evening several fresh attacks were made on both sides of Monchy. These likewise broke down with sanguinary losses. The advantages which the English succeeded in obtaining at Bullecourt were again wrested from them by powerful counterthrusts of a Guard battalion." T The capture of La Neuville, on the Aisne front, was announced by the War Office on May 16. A later report said that rain and mist had rendered the fighting activity on the western front slight. On May 17 the German official statement admitted the loss of ground at Roeux, but announced the capture of 2,300 English prisoners and 2,700 Frenchmen since May 1. The British capture of Bullecourt was conceded. Kaiser to the Crown Prince Earlier in the struggle-on April 22the German Kaiser sent the following telegram to the Crown Prince: "The troops of all the German tribes under your command, with steel-hard determination and strongly led, have brought to failure the great French attempt to break through on the Aisne and in Champagne. Also there the infantry again had to bear the brunt, and, thanks to the indefatigable assistance of the artillery and other arms, has accomplished great things in death-defying perseverance and irresistible attack. Convey my thanks and those of the Fatherland to the leaders and men. The battle on the Aisne and in Champagne is not yet over, but all who fight and bleed there shall know that the whole of Germany will remember their deeds, and is at one with them to carry through the fight for existence to a victorious end. God grant it." Germany's Peace Discussion Chancellor's Address of May 15, 1917 HE German Chancellor at a meeting of the Reichstag on May 15 delivered an address which had been anxiously awaited in the hope that it would be a definite proffer of peace; but it proved to be a disappointment in that regard. Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg was preceded by Dr. Roesicke, Conservative and President of the German Farmers' Union, who said: "While our brave troops maintain with streams of blood our territorial gains, the Social Democratic Party urges the Imperial Chancellor to conclude a peace without any indemnity and without any annexation. The Imperial Government has met the Social Democratic demands to such an extraordinary extent that this party enjoys preferential treatment beyond that accorded to other parties, and the imperial word, 'I know no parties,' is rendered valueless. "In a statement recently published in the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung we see a far-reaching similarity with the All That Remains of One of France's Most Ancient Churches After the Passing of the German Army of Occupation (Photo from Pictorial Press) declaration of various party committees concerning our relations with Russia. The Austro-Hungarian Government has allowed to be issued through the press declarations which are not far removed from the views of the Social Democratic Party's resolution. Telegrams were exchanged between the Imperial Chancellor and Count Czernin [Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister] emphasizing the mutual agreement between the two countries. It can therefore be assumed that the Imperial Government met also in this case the Social Democratic wishes." Herr Roesicke proceeded to denounce the Socialist aims as sinister and antinational and as tending to a prolongation of the war, since, he said, the Entente based their hopes on German disunion. 66 "President Wilson," Herr Roesicke continued, "wants no peace with the Hohenzollerns, but the monarchy is too deeply rooted in German hearts for the malignity of the Entente or of President Wilson to be capable of destroying it." He said the Germans acknowledged that Russia was keeping faith with her allies, while from Germany disloyalty to the Hohenzollerns was expected. Proceeding to denounce the Socialist aims and expressing doubt as to the Government's "will to victory," Herr Roesicke continued: "The desire for renunciation of annexation and indemnity gives our enemies a charter to prolong the war without risking anything. A rejection of the renunciation proposals by the Reichstag will be a manifestation of our strength and of our will to secure an enduring peace which will safeguard Germany's future. The nation demands a clear reply." Calls Annexationists Robbers Philip Scheidemann, in introducing the Social Democratic interpellation, said: "The party's decision does not demand immediate peace, but action by the Socialists of all countries. My Breslau utterance was to the effect that the Chancellor had stated he had nothing to do with the memorial which had incited our enemies to agree with Herr Roesicke, that we must emerge from all obscurity, and that the Chancellor must say what he wanted. "We adhere to the same point of view as contained in the demand of Aug. 4the territorial integrity of Germany and her economic independence and development; but today we still refuse to oppress foreign peoples. On both sides the nations are being put off with the promise of an imminent final decision. It is our task to expose this playing with the life of peoples, and we cry to all Governments, 'It is enough!' "We are convinced that the Central Powers will stand fast in repelling intentions of annihilation, but also that the wishes of the French, English, and German annexationists shall not be realized. Thus think the Socialists, and millions are with us. "The supporters of conquest shout for increase of power, increase of territory, money, and raw material. That can only be wanted by a nationally organized gang of robbers. [This statement provoked a storm of indignation on the Right.] The drawing of the Kaiser into this agitation has as a result that abroad the Kaiser is made responsible for PanGerman madness and the outbreak of war, and that he is continually being insulted. "Peace by agreement would be good fortune for Europe. Ninety-nine per cent. of all the peoples look with hope and longing to Stockholm. If France and Great Britain renounce annexation and Germany insists thereon, we shall have a revolution in the country." There were prolonged shouts of indignation at this and cries of "Shame! Stand down!" The President called Herr Scheidemann to order, but Scheidemann continued: "It has not gone so far as that yet; the enemy does not renounce annexation. A peace just to all parties should be concluded. I am firmly convinced that no peace can be concluded without an alteration of frontiers, and that must be arranged by mutual understanding. I am bitterly opposed to the slaughter of an other million men simply because certain Germans desire peace that would follow conquests. Long live peace! Long live Europe!" Bethman Hollweg's Speech The Chancellor replied to these attacks in the following terms: "These interpellations demand from me a definite statement on the question of our war aims. To make such a statement at the present moment would not serve the country's interests. I must therefore decline to make it. "Since the Winter of 1914-15 I have been pressed now from one side, now from the other, publicly to state our war aims, if possible with details. Every day they were demanded from me. To force me to speak an attempt was made to construe my silence regarding the program of the war aims of individual parties as agreement. Against that I must resolutely protest. On giving liberty for free discussion of war aims I had it expressly declared that the Government could not and would not participate in the conflict of views. I also protested against any positive conclusions whatever regarding the Government's attitude being drawn from the Government's silence. "I now repeat this protest in the most conclusive form. What I was ever able to say about our war aims I say here in the Reichstag publicly. They were general principles-they could not be more-but they were clear enough to exclude identification such as was attempted with other programs. These fundamental lines have been adhered to up to today. They found further solemn expression in the peace offer made conjointly with our allies on Dec. 12, 1916. "The supposition which has recently arisen that some differences of opinion existed on the peace question between us and our allies belongs to the realm of fable. I expressly affirm this now with certainty. I am at the same time also expressing the conviction that the leading statesmen of the powers which are our allies are with us. "I thoroughly and fully understand the passionate interest of the people in the war aims and peace conditions. I understand the call for clearness which today is addressed to me from the Right and the Left. But in the discussion of our war aims the only guiding line for me is the early and satisfactory conclusion of the war. Beyond that I cannot do or say anything. Scornful Reference to Socialists "If the general situation forces me to reserve, as is the case now, I shall keep this reserve, and no pressure either from Herr Scheidemann or Herr Roesicke will force me from my path. I shall not allow myself to be led astray by utterances with which Scheidemann, at a time when drumfire sounds on the Aisne and at Arras, believed he could spread among the people the possibility of a revolution. The German people will be with me in condemning such utterances, and also Roesicke's attempt to represent me as being under the influence of the Social Democrats. "I am reproached for being in the hands of one party, but I am not in the hands of any party, either the Right or the Left. I am glad I can state that definitely. If I am in the hands of any one, I am in the hands of my people, whom alone I have to serve, and all of whose sons, fighting for the existence of the nation, are firmly ranged around the Kaiser, whom they trust and who trusts them. The Kaiser's word of August lives unaltered. Roesicke, who sets himself forward as a particular protector of this word, has received in the Kaiser's Easter message the assurance of the unaltered existence of the Kaiser's word. "I trust that the reserve which I must exercise-it would be unscrupulous on my part did I not exercise it-will find support from the majority of the Reichstag, and also among the people. For a month past unparalleled battles have been waging on the west front. The entire people, with all its thoughts and sorrows and feelings, is with its sons up there, who with unexampled tenacity and defiance of death resist the daily renewed attacks of the English and French. "Even today I see no readiness for peace on the part of England or France, |