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GERMAN SUBMARINE BLOCKADE

T

Arming American Merchant Ships and
the Events Attending It

HE severance of diplomatic relations with Germany was followed three weeks later by the second step in the determination of the United States to preserve the freedom of the seas for its citizens, notwithstanding the establishment of a socalled "barred zone" by German submarines, intended to cut off ingress to European ports.

Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador, was dismissed on Feb. 3, 1917; on Feb. 26 President Wilson appeared in person before the houses of Congress in joint session and read an address, the substance of which was that he should be authorized to supply armament and ammunition to American mer

chant vessels and "to employ any other instrumentalities or methods that may be necessary and adequate to protect our ships and our people in their legitimate pursuits on the seas." The President's address embodied the conclusions reached by himself and his Cabinet after it had become apparent that the German submarine blockade was operating practically as an embargo on American trade with Europe.

While the President was proceeding to the Capitol to deliver his address news reached him of the torpedoing of the Cunard liner Laconia without warning, by which American lives were lost. This fact gave additional weight to his words.

Text of the President's "Armed Neutrality” Address to Congress

RESIDENT WILSON'S address be

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fore Congress on Feb. 26 asked for a formal concession of power enabling him to arm merchant ships and to take other measures needed for the protection of American citizens and property on the high seas when attacked by submarines. The full text of the address follows:

Gentlemen of the Congress:

I have again asked the privilege of addressing you because we are moving through critlcal times during which it seems to me to be my duty to keep in close touch with the houses of Congress, so that neither counsel nor action shall run at cross-purposes between us.

On the 3d of February I officially informed you of the sudden and unexpected action of the Imperial German Government in declaring its intention to disregard the promises it had made to this Government in April last and undertake immediate submarine operations against all commerce, whether of belligerents or of neutrals, that should seek to approach Great Britain and Ireland, the Atlantic coasts of Europe, or the harbors of the

Eastern Mediterranean and to conduct those operations without regard to the established restrictions of international practice, without regard to any considerations of humanity even which might interfere with their object.

That policy was forthwith put into practice. It has now been in active exhibition for nearly four weeks. Its practical results are not fully disclosed. The commerce of other neutral nations is suffering severely, but not, perhaps, very much more severely than it was already suffering before the 1st of February, when the new policy of the Imperial Government was put into operation.

We have asked the co-operation of the other neutral Governments to prevent these depredations, but I fear none of them has thought it wise to join us in any common course of action. Our own commerce has suffered, is suffering, rather in apprehension than in fact, rather because so many of our ship, are timidly keeping to their home ports than because American ships have been sunk.

Two American vessels have been sunk, tho Housatonic and the Lyman M. Law. The case of the Housatonic, which was carrying foodstuffs consigned to a London firm, was essentially like the case of the Frye, in which, it will be recalled, the German Gov

ernment admitted its liability for damages, and the lives of the crew, as in the case cf the Frye, were safeguarded with reasonable

care.

The case of the Law, which was carrying lemon-box staves to Palermo, disclosed a ruthlessness of method which deserves grave condemnation, but was accompanied by no circumstances which might not have been expected at any time in connection with the use of the submarine against merchantmen as the German Government has used it.

In sum, therefore, the situation we find ourselves in with regard to the actual conduct of the German submarine warfare against commerce and its effects upon our own ships and people is substantially the same that it was when I addressed you on the 3d of February, except for the tying up of our shipping in our own ports because of the unwillingness of our ship owners to risk their vessels at sea without insurance or adequate protection, and the very serious congestion of our commerce which has resulted-a congestion which is growing rapidly more and more serious every day.

This, in itself, might presently accomplish, in effect, what the new German submarine orders were meant to accomplish, so far as we are concerned. We can only say, therefore, that the overt act which I have ventured to hope the German commanders would in fact avoid has not occurred.

But while this is happily true, it must be admitted that there have been certain additional indications and expressions of purpose on the part of the German press and the German authorities which have increased rather than lessened the impression that, if our ships and our people are spared, it will be because of fortunate circumstances or because the commanders of the German submarines which they may happen to encounter exercise an unexpected discretion and restraint, rather than because of the instructions under which those commanders are acting.

It would be foolish to deny that the situation is fraught with the gravest possibilities and dangers. No thoughtful man can fail to see that the necessity for definite action may come at any time if we are, in fact and not in word merely, to defend our elementary rights as a neutral nation. It would be most imprudent to be unprepared.

I cannot in such circumstances be unmindful of the fact that the expiration of the term of the present Congress is immediately at hand by constitutional limitation and that it would in all likelihood require an unusual length of time to assemble and organize the Congress which is to succeed it.

I feel that I ought, in view of that fact, to obtain from you full and immediate assurance of the authority which I may need at any moment to exercise. No doubt I already possess that authority without special warrant of law, by the plain implication of my constitutional duties and powers; but I prefer

in the present circumstances not to act upon general implication. I wish to feel that the authority and the power of the Congress are behind me in whatever it may become necessary for me to do. We are jointly the servants of the people and must act together and in their spirit, so far as we can divine and interpret it.

No one doubts what it is our duty to do. We must defend our commerce and the lives of our people in the midst of the present trying circumstances with discretion but with clear and steadfast purpose. Only the method and the extent remain to be chosen, upon the occasion, if occasion should indeed arise.

Since it has unhappily proved impossible to safeguard our neutral rights by diplomatic means against the unwarranted infringements they are suffering at the hands of Germany, there may be no recourse but to armed neutrality, which we shall know how to maintain and for which there is abundant American precedent.

It is devoutly to be hoped that it will not be necessary to put armed forces anywhere into action. The American people do not desire it, and our desire is not different from theirs. I am sure that they will understand the spirit in which I am now acting, the purpose I hold nearest my heart and would wish to exhibit in everything I do.

I am anxious that the people of the nations at war also should understand and not mistrust us. I hope that I need give no further proofs and assurances than I have already given throughout nearly three years of anxious patience that I am the friend of peace and mean to preserve it for America so long as I am able. I am not now proposing or contemplating war or any steps that need lead to it. I merely request that you will accord me by your own vote and definite bestowal the means and the authority to safeguard in practice the right of a great people, who are at peace and who are desirous of exercising none but the rights of peace, to follow the pursuit of peace in quietness and good-will-rights recognized time out of mind by all the civilized nations of the world.

No course of my choosing or of theirs will lead to war. War can come only by the willful acts and aggressions of others.

You will understand why I can make no definite proposals or forecasts of action now and must ask for your supporting authority in the most general terms. The form in which action may become necessary cannot yet be foreseen.

I believe that the people will be willing to trust me to act with restraint, with prudence, and in the true spirit of amity and good faith that they have themselves displayed throughout these trying months; and it is in that belief that I request that you will authorize me to supply our merchant ships with defensive arms should that become necessary, and with the means of using them, and to employ

any other instrumentalities or methods that may be necessary and adequate to protect our ships and our people in their legitimate and peaceful pursuits on the seas. I request also that you will grant me at the same time, along with the powers I ask, a sufficient credit to enable me to provide adequate means of protection where they are lacking, including adequate insurance against the present war risks.

I have spoken of our commerce and of the legitimate errands of our people on the seas, but you will not be misled as to my main thought-the thought that lies beneath these phrases and gives them dignity and weight. It is not of material interest merely that we are thinking. Is is, rather, of fundamental human rights, chief of all the right of life itself.

I am thinking not only of the right of Americans to go and come about their proper business by way of the sea, but also of some

thing much deeper, much more fundamental than that. I am thinking of those rights of humanity without which there is no civilization. My theme is of those great principles of compassion and of protection which mankind has sought to throw about human lives, the lives of noncombatants, the lives of men who are peacefully at work keeping the industrial processes of the world quick and vital, the lives of women and children and of those who supply the labor which ministers to their sustenance. We are speaking of no selfish material rights, but of rights which our hearts support and whose foundation is that righteous passion for justice upon which all law, all structures alike of family, of State, and of mankind must rest, as upon the ultimate base of our existence and our liberty.

I cannot imagine any man with American principles at his heart hesitating to defend these things.

The Armed Ship Debate in Congress

FOLLOWIN

OLLOWING President Wilson's appearance at the Capitol, Congressman Flood, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, introduced a bill to carry out the President's recommendations, the bill having been drafted at the White House. It was passed by the House on March 1 by a vote of 403 to 13; of those voting "No" nine were Republicans, three Democrats, and one a Socialist. As passed by the House the bill empowered the President to arm merchant ships, but did not extend to him authority" to use other instrumentalities," and it prohibited insurance of munition-carrying ships in the Government War Risk Fund. The passage of the bill in the House was marked by many patriotic addresses and a complete absence of partisanship; the leaders of the Republican minority advocated the measure as enthusiastically as the Democratic leaders. It was debated for more than seven hours, and more than fifty speeches were made in its favor; there was no serious opposition.

Flood Proclaims Our Policy Chairman Flood of the Foreign Affairs Committee vigorously announced the policy of the Administration to submit no longer to the virtual blockading of American ports by the German submarine decree.

Germany, he said, had violated the promises made in the interchange of notes between the United States and that nation," and she is now undertaking to destroy every merchant vessel, whether belligerent or neutral, that is undertaking to land at any port of Great Britain or Ireland, on the Atlantic Coast, or the eastern ports of the Mediterranean. The American merchant marine is tied up in our harbors and American commerce is blockaded in our ports as effectually as if an enemy had blockaded those ports. This condition is intolerable to a free and a brave people, and it has continued as long as the American Government and the American people are willing to submit to it. The pending bill gives the President means to remedy this intolerable condition and free our commerce and protect the lives of American citizens in their lawful pursuits on the high seas."

Mr. Flood said the bill might not avert war, but it would do little directly to bring about war.

"We may have to go further," he continued, "but if we do the fault will not be ours. Our warships have the right to sail the seas, our citizens have the right to go there, and we propose to protect them in that right. I hope we can do it peacefully. If we cannot we will do it

with force and with arms. It is clear that Germany does not intend to lessen the ruthlessness of her submarine warfare in order to avoid a conflict with this country. Our duty is clear-to protect our citizens and our ships in their lawful pursuits."

Mr. Flood said if Germany were conducting her submarine warfare in accordance with international law and the instincts of humanity, if she were merely exercising the right of search and seizure, this country would take its chances in the prize courts, and there would be no need for the legislation of today.

"But Germany is not doing that. She proposes to sink merchant vessels without warning and without the slightest opportunity for noncombatants on board to save their lives. America is not willing to fail to defend her citizens, and I cannot understand how any man with American blood in his veins and American sentiment in his heart can hesitate to give to the President the authority to protect lives of American citizens."

Fails in the Senate

On Feb. 27 the Foreign Relations Committee of the United States Senate reported the measure to that body, with the fullest indorsement of the Administration. The text of the bill, as reported, was as follows:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled:

That the commanders and crews of all merchant vessels of the United States and bearing the registry of the United States are hereby authorized to arm and defend such vessels against unlawful attacks, and the President of the United States is hereby authorized and empowered to supply such vessels with defensive arms, fore and aft, and also with the necessary ammunition and means of making use of them; and that he be, and is hereby, authorized and empowered to employ such other instrumentalities and methods as may in his judgment and discretion seem necessary and adequate to protect such vessels and the citizens of the United States in their lawful and peaceful pursuits on the high seas.

The sum of $100,000,000 is hereby appropriated, to be expended by the President of the United States for the purpose of carrying into effect the foregoing provisions, the said sum to be available until the first day of January, 1918.

For the purpose of meeting the expenditures herein authorized, the Secretary of the Treasury, under the direction of the President, is hereby authorized to borrow on the credit of the United States and to issue therefor bonds of the United States not exceeding in the aggregate $100,000,000, said bonds to be in such form and subject to such terms and conditions as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe and to bear interest at a rate not exceeding 3 per centum per annum: Provided that such bonds shall be sold at not less than par, shall not carry the circulation privilege, and that all citizens of the United States shall be given an equal opportunity to subscribe therefor, but no commission shall be allowed or paid thereon; that both principal and interest shall be payable in United States gold coin of the present standard of value, and be exempt from all taxation and

duties of the United States as well as from taxation in any form of all State, municipal, or local authorities; that any bonds issued hereunder may, under such conditions as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe, be convertible into bonds bearing a higher rate of interest than 3 per centum per annum, if any bonds shall be issued by the United States at a higher rate than 3 per centum per annum by virtue of any act passed on or before Dec. 31, 1918.

In order to pay the necessary expenses connected with the said issue of bonds, or any conversions thereof, a sum not exceeding onefifth of 1 per centum of the amount of bonds herein authorized to be issued, or which may be converted, is hereby appropriated, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to be expended as the Secretary of the Treasury may direct.

The President is authorized to transfer so much of the amount herein appropriated as he may deem necessary, not exceeding $25,000,000, to the Bureau of War Risk Insurance, created by act of Congress, approved Sept. 2, 1914, for the purpose of insuring vessels, their freight, passage moneys, and cargoes against loss or damage by the present risks of war.

The Senate Filibuster

The discussion of this measure in the Senate and its failure of passage through a filibuster by a small group marked one of the most sensational episodes in the history of the upper house of the National Legislature, and resulted in a change in the rules which had been advocated fruitlessly for over 100 years.

The session of Congress was to end automatically on March 4, hence there were but four days remaining when the measure was introduced. A certain group of Senators, in view of the critical foreign situation, had previously insisted

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