Labor Leader as Minister The Minister of Justice, Deputy Kerenski, is the leader of the workingmen and a conspicuous Russian journalist. His selection and acceptance of a post in the new Government welded together the labor leaders and Moderate Democrats and prevented what at first threatened to prove a serious split in the revolutionary ranks. The first act of the new Government, M. Kerenski stated, was the immediate publication of a decree of full amnesty. Continuing, the Minister said:

"Our comrades of the Second and Fourth Dumas, who were banished illegally to the tundras of Siberia, will be released forthwith. In my jurisdiction are all the Premiers and Ministers of the old régime. They will answer before the law for all crimes against the people."

"Show them no mercy," many voices in the crowd exclaimed.

Comrades, soldiers, citizens, all measures taken by the new Government will be published. Soldiers, I ask you to cooperate. Free Russia is now born, and none will succeed in wresting liberty from the hands of the people. Do not listen to the promptings of the agents of the old régime. Listen to your officers. Long live free Russia!"

The speech was greeted by a storm of cheering.

The labor leader, Chkueidse, addressing the officers and soldiers, paid a glowing tribute to the soldiers and workingmen who had participated in accomplishing the revolution. He recounted the recent provocative efforts by the secret police in publishing proclamations regarding the murders of officers by soldiers. He exhorted the soldiers to regard their officers as citizens who had helped raise the revolutionary flag and as brothers in the great cause of Russian liberty.

Subsequently officers, soldiers, and workingmen carried M. Chkueidse on

their shoulders through a cheering throng of soldiers and civilians.

Kerenski won a victory in a speech that will be historic. Appearing in a stormy labor assembly, mounting a table, with flashing eyes and passionate utterance, he announced that he had accepted the post of Minister of Justice. The announcement turned the tide, and amid cheering Kerenski continued:

"Comrades, in entering the Provisional Government I remain a republican. In my work I must lean for help on the will of the people. I must have in the people my powerful support. May I trust you as I trust myself? [Tremendous cheers and cries of "We believe you, comrade! "] I cannot live without the people, and if ever you begin to doubt me, kill me! I declare to the Provisional Government that I am a representative of democracy, and that the Government must especially take into account the views I shall uphold as a representative of the people, by whose efforts the old Government was overthrown. Comrades, time does not wait. I call you to crganization and discipline. I ask you to support us, your representatives, who are prepared to die for the people and have given the people their whole life."

Appeal to the People

The first act of the new Government was the issuance of the following appeal, dated March 18, 1917:

Citizens: The Executive Committee of the Duma, with the aid and support of the garrison of the capital and its inhabitants, has succeeded in triumphing over the obnoxious forces of the old régime in such a manner that we are able to proceed to a more stable organization of the executive power, with men whose past political activity assures them the country's confidence.

[The names of the members of the new Government are then given and the appeal continues:]

The new Cabinet will base its policy on the following principles:

First-An immediate general amnesty for all political and religious offenses, including terrorist acts and military and agrarian offenses.

Second-Liberty of speech and of the press; freedom for alliances, unions, and strikes, with the extension of these liberties to military officials within the limits admitted by military requirements.

Third-Abolition of all social, religious, and national restrictions.

Fourth-To proceed forthwith to the preparation and convocation of a constitutional Assembly, based on universal suffrage, which will establish a governmental régime.

Fifth-The substitution of the police by a national militia, with chiefs to be elected and responsible to the Government. Sixth-Communal elections to be based on universal suffrage.

Seventh-The troops which participated in the revolutionary movement will not be disarmed, but will remain in Petrograd. Eighth-While maintaining strict military discipline for troops on active service, it is desirable to abrogate for soldiers all restrictions in the enjoyment of social rights accorded other citizens.

The Provisional Government desires to add that it has no intention to profit by the circumstances of the war to delay the realization of the measures of reform above mentioned.

Abdication of the Czar

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Czar Nicholas's abdication was nounced on March 16. The document was signed at the town of Pskoff, where the train on which he was traveling toward Petrograd was halted early in the week. From Pskoff, according to accounts now available, the Emperor communicated with members of the Executive Committee of the Duma, who informed him that they were sending emissaries to meet him there. Accordingly, a member of the Duma committee and one of the Ministers of the new Cabinet proceeded to Pskoff and had an interview with the Emperor in the presence of General Nicholas V. Russky, a member of the Council of the Empire and of the Supreme Military Council; Baron W. Federicks, Minister of the Court; Count Narishkin, and others.

After relating to the Emperor the latest developments in the revolution, the emissaries advised him not to send any troops from the front to Petrograd, since all the troops were going over to the revolutionists as fast as they arrived.

"What is desired that I should do?" the Emperor inquired.

"Abdicate the throne," was the reply. After devoting some time to deliberation Emperor Nicholas said:

"It would be very hard to be separated from my son. Therefore I will

abdicate in favor of my brother, in behalf of myself and my son."

The document, which had been prepared in advance, was handed to the Emperor, and he signed it at once.

The text of the abdication is as follows:

We, Nicholas II., by the Grace of God Emperor of all the Russias, Czar of Poland, and Grand Duke of Finland, &c., make known to all our faithful subjects:

In the day of the great struggle against a foreign foe, who has been striving for three years to enslave our country, God has wished to send to Russia a new and painful trial. Interior troubles threaten to have a fatal repercussion on the final outcome of the war. The destinies of Russia and the honor of our heroic army, the happiness of the people, and all the future of our dear fatherland require that the war be prosecuted at all cost to a victorious end. The cruel enemy is making his last effort, and the moment is near when our valiant army, in concert with those of our glorious allies, will definitely chastise the foe.

In these decisive days in the life of Russia we believe our people should have the closest union and organization of all their forces for the realization of speedy victory. For this reason, in accord with the Duma of the empire, we have considered it desirable to abdicate the throne of Russia and lay aside our supreme power.

Not wishing to be separated from our loved son, we leave our heritage to our brother the Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovitch, blessing his advent to the throne of Russia. We hand over the Government to our brother in full union with the representatives of the nation who are seated in the legislative chambers, taking this step with an inviolable oath in the name of our well-beloved country.

We call on all faithful sons of the fatherland to fulfill their sacred patriotic duty in this painful moment of national trial and to aid our brother and the representatives of the nation in bringing Russia into the path of prosperity and glory.

May God aid Russia.

Fortunes of the Romanoffs

On March 19 it was reported from Petrograd that the former Czar, to be known as Nicholas Romanoff, had left with his staff for his personal estate at Livadia, on the south coast of the Crimea. It was at first believed that his twelve-year-old son and heir, Grand Duke Alexis, who renounced the throne when the father abdicated, had been killed, but later news was to the effect that the Czarina was with her children and that all save

Grand Duchess Marie were very ill with measles. In the case of the little Prince the attack was complicated by the breaking out of the old wound in his foot, dating from the alleged attempt on his life about four years ago. The Grand Duke was attended by his mother and the old sailor, Berevenke, who has been his constant companion. Grand Duchess Tatiana was in a serious condition, and oxygen had been administered.

News of the disaffection of the troops reached the Empress on Feb. 27. The palace guard was mobilized for defense, the riflemen remaining within the palace with machine guns, while outside were armored motors. When the Tsarskoe-Selo garrison revolted a collision with the palace guards appeared inevitable. The Empress went to the commander of the guard and said:

"My desire is that you do not fire." This was taken as an order to surrender, which he did. Soon revolutionary troops entered the palace, and officers went to the apartment of the imperial family. To these the Empress said:

"Let there be no violence. I am now only a Sister of Charity at the bedside of my afflicted children."

Grand Duke Michael Declines

The Czar in abdicating transferred the supreme power to his younger brother, Grand Duke Michael, but the latter declined to accept the responsibility unless he should be declared the choice of the people by vote. The refusal was signed at his private residence, whither he went with a large part of the Duma committee, headed by Prince Lvoff, Professor Milukoff, and President Rodzianko.

The Grand Duke addressed the committee and declared that the responsibility devolving upon him found him undecided because of the existing differences of opinion. He added that since the happiness of Russia was the only consideration, he believed this would be assured by his abdication, and therefore surrendered his authority. The text of his declaration, dated March 16, is as follows:

This heavy responsibility has come to me at the voluntary request of my brother, who has transferred the imperial throne to me during

a period of warfare which is accompanied with unprecedented popular disturbances. Moved by the thought, which is in the minds of the entire people, that the good of the country is paramount, I have adopted the firm resolution to accept the supreme power only if this be the will of our great people, who, by a plebiscite organized by their representatives in a constituent assembly, shall establish a form of government and new fundamental laws for the Russian State.

Consequently, invoking the benediction of our Lord, I urge all citizens of Russia to submit to the Provisional Government, established upon the initiative of the Duma and invested with full plenary powers, until such time, which will follow with as little delay as possible, as the constituent assembly, on a basis of universal, direct, equal, and secret suffrage, shall, by its decision as to the new form of government, express the will of the people.

Siberian Exiles Freed

The first act of the Provisional Government was one of amnesty for all political offenders, including Terrorists. The series of agreements opens up astonishing possibilities. A main feature of the program is that the form of government, whether republican or otherwise, is to be decided by a constituent assembly, to be elected after the war.

The famous prison of St. Peter and St. Paul at Petrograd, which has immured countless political prisoners, was thrown open, as was the Kremlin at Moscow, and exiles in all parts of the world were invited to return. The fleet and the naval commanders accepted the revolution with enthusiastic unanimity. Grand Duke Cyril, commanding the sailors of the guard, came in person with his officers and announced that this historic corps would place itself under the orders of Rodzianko. News from the army of 6,000,000 on the various Russian fronts was entirely favorable.

One of the most important gains in the revolution was its acceptance by the Holy Synod. The final meeting of the Synod since the revolution was held at Petrograd March 18 under the Presidency of the Metropolitan of Kiev. The new Procurator General of the Holy Synod, M. Lvoff, in opening the sitting, said he rejoiced at the advent of freedom of the Orthodox Church. He ordered the removal of the imperial chair from the conference room, symbolizing

termination of interference by the Emperor in the affairs of the Church. The Metropolitan and other members of the Synod said a new era for the Orthodox Church had come.

Public subscriptions for released political prisoners and for the families of men killed in the street fighting were opened. The Russo-Asiatic Bank has subscribed $250,000 for the released political prisoners.

Everywhere in Petrograd, Moscow, and other large cities the imperial insignia of the House of Romanoff were removed from all public buildings.

Foreign Minister's Notice

Professor Milukoff received the diplomatic representatives of the Allies on Sunday, March 18, and at the same time gave official notice of the revolution to the world in the following address, which was transmitted by cable to all Russian diplomats abroad:

"The news transmitted by the Petrograd Telegraphic Agency (the semiofficial Russian news bureau) already has acquainted you with the events of the last few days and the fall of the old political régime in Russia, which collapsed lamentably in the face of popular indignation provoked by its carelessness, its abuses, and its criminal lack of foresight. The unanimity of resentment which the order of things now at an end had aroused among all healthy elements of the nation has considerably facilitated the crisis. All these elements having rallied with enthusiasm to the noble flag of revolution, and the army having lent them its speedy and effective support, the national movement obtained decisive victory within eight days.

"This rapidity of realization happily made it possible to reduce the number of victims to a figure unprecedentedly small in the annals of upheavals of such extent and importance.

"By an act dated from Pskoff March 15, Emperor Nicholas renounced the throne for himself and the hereditary Grand Duke Alexis Nikolaievitch in favor of Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovitch. In reply to a notification which was made to him of this act, Grand

Duke Michael Alexandrovitch, by an act dated Petrograd, March 16, in his turn renounced assumption of supreme power until the time when a constituent assembly, created on the basis of universal suffrage, should have established a form of government and new fundamental laws of Russia. By this same act Alexandrovitch invited the citizens of Russia, pending a definite manifestation of the national will, to submit to the authority of the Provisional Government constituted on the initiative of the State, which holds full power. The composition of the Provisional Government and its political program have been published and transmitted to foreign countries.

Responsibility Fully Realized

"This Government, which assumes power at the moment of the greatest external and internal crisis which Russia has known in the course of her history, is fully conscious of the immense responsibility it incurs. It will apply itself first to repairing the overwhelming errors bequeathed to it by the past, to insuring order and tranquillity in the country, and, finally, to preparing the conditions necessary in order that the sovereign will of the nation may be freely pronounced as to its future lot.

"In the domain of foreign policy the Cabinet, in which I am charged with the portfolio of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, will remain mindful of the international engagements entered into by the fallen régime, and will honor Russia's word. We shall carefully cultivate relations which unite us to other friendly and allied nations, and we are confident that these relations will become even more intimate, more solid, under the new régime established in Russia, which is resolved to be guided by the democratic principles of respect due to the small and great nations, to the liberty of their development, and to good understanding among nations.

"But the Government cannot forget for a single instant the grave external circumstances in which it assumes power. Russia did not will the war which has

been drenching the world with blood for nearly three years. But, victim of premeditated aggression prepared long ago, she will continue, as in the past, to struggle against the spirit of conquest of a predatory race which has aimed at establishing an intolerable hegemony over its neighbors and subjecting Europe of the twentieth century to the shame of domination by Prussian militarism. Faithful to the pact which unites her indissolubly to her glorious allies, Russia is resolved, like them, to assure the world at all costs an era of peace among the nations, on the basis of stable national organization guaranteeing respect for right and justice. She will fight by their side against the common enemy until the end, without cessation and without faltering.

"The Government of which I form a part will devote all its energy to preparation of victory and will apply itself to the task of repairing as quickly as possible the errors of the past, which hitherto have paralyzed the aspirations and the self-sacrifice of the Russian people. I am firmly convinced that the marvelous enthusiasm which today animates the whole nation will multiply its strength in time and hasten the hour of the final triumph of a regenerated Russia and her valiant allies.

"I beg you to communicate to the Minister of Foreign Affairs [of the country to which the diplomat addressed is accredited] the contents of the present telegram."

Tons of Food Discovered

In vindication of the justice of the cause of the revolutionists after the emeute, thousands of tons of grain and other food were found hidden in remote places in Petrograd, apparently proving that the shortage was part of a treasonable design of the then existing Government.

On March 18 assurances had been received from all the armies in the field that the new Government was enthusiastically accepted. M. Kerenski had rescinded the order of banishment against Grand Duke Dmitri and Prince

Youssoupoff, the slayers of Gregory Rasputin, the monk who exercised great influence over the imperial family, and the two men were returning to Petrograd. Members of the former Cabinet had been placed under arrest and would be cited for trial later. It is believed, however, that there will be no prosecution of the nobility, and that amnesty and moderation will be the watchwords of the new Government.

As to the Czar and his family, it is believed they will not be further molested; there seems to be no vindictiveness felt against him, as he was regarded as but a weak instrument in the hands of unscrupulous plotters. The explanation of the Camarilla's desire to have Russia meet disaster in the war, so as to force a separate peace, was the fear among the nobility that success with republican France and democratic England over autocratic Russia and Austria would spell the downfall of autocracy and the triumph of the Russian liberals.

Anti-German Sentiment

The strongest anti-German feeling animates the population. They are systematically hunting down all highly placed personages suspected of German proclivities or bearing German names or titles. The aged Minister of the imperial household, Count Fredericks, whose home was wrecked, was discovered in hiding and was taken as a prisoner to the Duma. Soldiers and a crowd of people long hunted for Countess Kleinmichael on suspicion of her being German. She was discovered hiding in the Chinese Legation, whence the soldiers removed her under arrest.

Baron Stackelberg fired on the soldiers from his window. He was dragged out of his home, taken to the quay side, and there summarily executed.

All the factories resumed operations on March 19, paying full wages for time lost during the revolution. Former members of the police force at Petrograd, numbering many thousands, were sent to the front. The Metropolitans of Petrograd, Moscow, Pitrin, and Mulary were sent into compulsory retirement. Pro