Solovieff, used to dream of the union of the churches with the pope as the spiritual head, and democracy in the Russian sense as the broad basis of the rejuvenated Christendom. Dostoyevsky, a writer most sensitive to the claims of nationality in Russia, defined the ideal of the Russians in a celebrated speech as the embodiment of a universally humanitarian type. These are extremes, but characteristic extremes pointing to the trend of national thought. Russia is so huge and so strong, that material power has ceased to be attractive to her thinkers. Nevertheless, we ned not yet retire into the desert or deliver ourselves to be bound hand and foot by "civilized" Germans. Russia also wields a sword-a charmed sword, blunt in an unrighteous cause, but sharp enough in the defence of right and freedom. And this war is indeed our Befreiungskrieg. The Slavs must have their chance in the history of the world, and the date of their coming of age will mark a new departure in the growth of civilization.

THE FUTURE OF POLAND1

Until the war broke out in August, 1914, the outlook for the future afforded little encouragement to hope for any immediate or marked change in the circumstances of the Poles. But with startling suddenness, when the first shot was fired, the whole situation changed in the most dramatic manner.

Even before the grand duke's proclamation was issued, a fundamental, but as yet unobservable, change in the Polish question had taken place. The rupture of friendly relations and the outbreak of war between Russia and Germany vitally affected the position of the Poles in Russia. We have seen how the scheme for the partition of Poland originated in Germany, and was pressed upon Russia by Frederick the Great. In the difficulties which have arisen as the result of that and subsequent partitions, German initiative in combating Polonism has never been wanting, and it has long been recognized in Poland that Germany was the ultimate source of the forces which assailed them so relentlessly. The action of Prussia

1 From "Poland and the Polish Question," by Ninian Hill. Copyright, 1915, by F. A. Stokes Company, and reprinted here by permission of the publishers.

during the insurrection of 1863, in delivering up Polish refugees, was defended by Count Eulenberg on the ground that they were acting in accordance with treaty obligations.

Both Germany and Russia had to deal with a similar problem. Their mutual frontier was inhabited by a foreign and disaffected population, and their common difficulties in dealing with the Poles drew them together and resulted in concerted action. Austria had been a member of this copartnery till war drove her out, a bankrupt, in 1867. In both Russia and Germany the Polish language is banned in schools and administration. No Poles are employed in public offices, and army conscripts are drafted to distant provinces. But Germany, not content with these measures, over-reached herself. The Ansiedelungs Kommission found no counterpart in Russia. It showed the Poles clearly that Germany was an implacable foe, and it has contributed largely in promoting the movement for conciliation with Russia.

It needed but the first gunshot to break the ties which for so long had bound Russia to German policy, and to bring about the reconciliation of the two great Slav families. The first advances were made by the Poles. On the outbreak of war a remarkable scene was enacted in the Duma. As happened in our own Parliament, all party wrangling and strife ceasedas by the wave of a magician's wand. Amidst indescribable enthusiasm the leading representatives of various nationalities declared their loyalty, and their determination to defeat the enemy.

The response of Russia to this spontaneous outburst of loyalty was prompt and generous. With eloquent and stirring words the Grand Duke Nicholas addressed the Poles in a proclamation dated August 1 (14). It was remarkable, not only for its contents but also because the grand duke used the Polish language. It has been translated as follows:

Poles! The hour has struck in which the sacred dream of your fathers and forefathers may find fulfilment.

A century and a half ago the living flesh of Poland was torn asunder, but her soul did not die. She lived in hopes that there would come an hour for the resurrection of the Polish nation and for a brotherly reconciliation with Russia.

The Russian army now brings you the joyful tidings of this reconciliation. May the boundaries be annihilated which cut the Polish nation into parts! May that nation reunite into one body under the scepter of the

Russian Emperor! Under this scepter Poland shall be reborn, free in faith, in language, in self-government.

Only one thing Russia expects of you: equal consideration for the rights of those nationalities to which history has linked you.

With open heart, with hand fraternally outstretched, Russia steps forward to meet you. She believes that the sword has not rusted which, at Grünwald, struck down the enemy.

From the shores of the Pacific to the North Seas the Russian forces are on the march. The dawn of a new life is breaking for you.

May there shine, resplendent above that dawn, the sign of the Cross, symbol of the Passion and the resurrection of nations!

The effect of the grand duke's proclamation was instantaneous. It touched a chord long waiting to vibrate, and was received with the most profound emotion and joy.

Nor in this time of reconciliation have the Jews been overlooked. It has been announced that the civil law restrictions which have so grievously afflicted them are to be removed. The pale of settlement is to be swept away, and the Jews are to be admitted to the full rights of Russian citizenship. Nothing is more remarkable than that such revolutionary measures should be welcomed by all sections of public opinion, even the anti-Semitic press expressing approval in the warmest terms. For the first time, in modern history at any rate, some hundreds of commissions in the army have been granted, and very early in the war an heroic Jewish doctor was decorated with the military cross of St. George for conspicuous gallantry.

In considering the future of Poland it will not be without interest to recall here some of Rousseau's ideas as to the best form of government. His treatise on the subject was first published some nine years before the new constitution of 1791 was adopted, and was designed to assist the Poles in framing it. One of the difficulties which presented itself to him was the immense extent of the Polish dominions. It is only God, he remarks, who can govern the world, and it needs more than human faculties to govern great nations. All the smaller states, whether republics or monarchies, prosper simply because they are small. The citizens know each other personally; the leaders can then see for themselves whatever evils exist, the reforms required, and that their orders are carried out. The vast provinces, he thought, could never secure the strict administration of the small republics. The first reform needed

was to reduce governmental areas. Great Poland, Little Poland, and Lithuania should form three states in one, each with a separate administration. The provincial dietines should be developed, and their authority extended in their respective palatinates; but he adds this word of wise caution: "Mark carefully the limitations, and do nothing which may break the bonds binding them to the common legislation and in subordination to the body of the republic. In one word, seek to extend and to perfect the system of federal government, which alone unites the advantages of great and small states, and therefore the only one which can suit you."

A great war such as is now raging obliterates frontiers. Already it has swept away the demarcations of the Congress of Vienna, and has led incidentally to the resurrection of Poland. The name of Poland once more appears on the maps; it is printed in bold headlines in our newspapers. We learn that the eastern theater of war is in Poland-rather than in Prussia, Russia, or Austria. Upon the result of the war will depend the new frontiers. It is inevitable that compensation will be demanded, but by whom, or when, or where, remains to be seen. Already the alterations on the map of Europe are in progress.

It is too soon yet to foresee the extent and nature of the changes that are in the process of being brought about. Doubtless the spoils will go to the strong, but if peace is to be established on a satisfactory basis the interests of the inhabitants of the territory concerned must be allowed due weight. It is a fortunate circumstance for Poland that her dearest wish, the interest of Russia, and the sympathy of her friends throughout the world coincide.

ITALY

ITALY'S DEFECTION1

When I spoke eight days ago there was still a glimmer of hope that Italy's participation in the war could be avoided. That hope proved fallacious. German feeling strove against the belief in the possibility of such a change. Italy has now inscribed in the book of the world's history, in letters of blood which will never fade, her violation of faith.

I believe Machiavelli once said that a war which is necessary is also just. Viewed from this sober, practical, political standpoint, which leaves out of account all moral considerations, has this war been necessary? Is it not, indeed, directly mad? Nobody threatened Italy; neither Austria-Hungary nor Germany. Whether the Triple Entente was content with blandishments alone history will show later. Without a drop of blood flowing, and without the life of a single Italian being endangered, Italy could have secured the long list of concessions which I recently read to the House-territory in Tyrol and on the Isonzo as far as the Italian speech is heard, satisfaction of the national aspirations in Trieste, a free hand in Albania, and the valuable port of Valona.

Why have they not taken it? Do they, perhaps, wish to conquer the German Tyrol? Hands off! Did Italy wish to provoke Germany, to whom she owes so much in her upward growth as a great power, and from whom she is not separated by any conflict of interests? We left Rome in no doubt that an Italian attack on Austro-Hungarian troops would also strike the German troops. Why did Rome refuse so light-heartedly the proposals of Vienna? The Italian manifesto of war, which conceals an uneasy conscience behind vain phrases, does not give us any explanation. They were too shy, perhaps, to say openly what was spread abroad as a pretext by the press German Imperial

1 Speech by Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, Chancellor, in the Reichstag, May 28, 1915.