tion of a national distress, which those who were not cotemporary with the state of things which he described, would find it difficult to conceive or to realize. He said:

"In casting our eyes around us, the most prominent circumstance which fixes our attention and challenges our deepest regret, is the general distress which pervades the whole country;, It is forced upon us by numerous facts cated by the diminished exports of native produce; by the depressed and reduced state of our foreign navigation; by our diminished commerce; by successive unthreshed crops of grain by the alarming diminution of the circulating perishing in our barns for want of a market; medium; by the numerous bankruptcies; by a universal complaint of the want of employment, and a consequent reduction of the wages of lations, not for the sake of their honors, and the bor; by the ravenous pursuit after public situaperformance of their public duties, but as a means of private subsistence; by the reluctant

of the most incontestable character. It is indi

THE revision of the Tariff, with a view to the protection of home industry, and to the establishment of what was then called, "The American System," was one of the large subjects before Congress at the session 1823-24, and was the regular commencement of the heated debates on that question which afterwards ripened into a serious difficulty between the federal government and some of the southern States. The presidential election being then depending, the subject became tinctured with party politics, in which, so far as that ingredient was concerned, and was not controlled by other considerations, members divided pretty much on the line which always divided them on a question of construct-resort to the perilous use of paper money; by ive powers. The protection of domestic industry not being among the granted powers, was looked for in the incidental; and denied by the strict constructionists to be a substantive power, to be exercised for the direct purpose of protection; but admitted by all at that time, and ever since the first tariff act of 1789, to be an incident to the revenue raising power, and an incident to be regarded in the exercise of that power. Revenue the object, protection the incident, had been the rule in the earlier tariffs: now that rule was sought to be reversed, and to make protection the object of the law, and revenue the incident. The revision, and the augmentation of duties which it contemplated, turned, not so much on the emptiness of the treasury and the necessity for raising money to

fill it, as upon the distress of the country, and the necessity of creating a home demand for labor, provisions and materials, by turning a larger proportion of our national industry into the channel of domestic manufactures. Mr. Clay, the leader in the proposed revision, and the champion of the American System, expressly placed the proposed augmentation of duties on this ground; and in his main speech upon the question, dwelt upon the state of the country, and gave a picture of the public distress, which deserves to be reproduced in this VIEW of the working of our government, both as the leading argument for the new tariff, and as an exhibi

relation between debtor and creditor; and, the intervention of legislation in the delicate above all, by the low and depressed state of the value of almost every description of the whole mass of the property of the nation, which has, on an average, sunk not less than about fifty per centum within a few years. This distress pervades every part of the Union, every class of society; all feel it, though it may be felt, at different places, in different degrees. It is like the hale it, and none can escape from it. A few atmosphere which surrounds us: all must inyears ago, the planting interest consoled itself with its happy exemptions from the general calamity; but it has now reached this interest also, the general suffering. It is most painful to me which experiences, though with less severity, to attempt to sketch, or to dwell on the gloom of this picture. But I have exaggerated nothing. Perfect fidelity to the original would have authorized me to have thrown on deeper and

darker hues."

Mr. Clay was the leading speaker on the part of the bill in the House of Representatives, but he was well supported by many able and effective speakers-by Messrs. Storrs, Tracy, John W. Taylor, from New-York; by Messrs. Buchanan, Todd, Ingham, Hemphill, Andrew Stewart, from Pennsylvania; by Mr. Louis McLane, from Delaware; by Messrs. Buckner, F. Johnson, Letcher, Metcalfe, Trimble, White, Wickliffe, from Kentucky; by Messrs. Campbell, Vance, John W. Wright, Vinton, Whittlesey, from Ohio; Mr. Daniel P. Cook, from Illinois.

Mr. Webster was the leading speaker on the (Clay) has alluded to the strong inclination other side, and disputed the universality of the which exists, or has existed, in various parts of distress which had been described; claiming ex-great existing difficulties. I regard it rather as the country, to issue paper money, as a proof of emption from it in New England; denied the a very productive cause of those difficulties; and assumed cause for it where it did exist, and at- we cannot fail to observe, that there is at this tributed it to over expansion and collapse of the moment much the loudest complaint of distress paper system, as in Great Britain, after the long precisely where there has been the greatest attempt to relieve it by a system of paper credit. suspension of the Bank of England; denied the Let us not suppose that we are beginning the necessity for increased protection to manufac-protection of manufactures by duties on imports. tures, and its inadequacy, if granted, to the relief of the country where distress prevailed; and contested the propriety of high or prohibitory duties, in the present active and intelligent state of the world, to stimulate industry and manufacturing enterprise. He said:

Look to the history of our laws; look to the present state of our laws. Consider that our lected from the custom-house, and always has whole revenue, with a trifling exception, is colbeen; and then say what propriety there is in calling on the government for protection, as if no protection had heretofore been afforded. On the general question, allow me to ask if the doctrine of prohibition, as a general doctrine, be not preposterous? Suppose all nations to act upon it: they would be prosperous, then, according to the argument, precisely in the proportion in which they abolished intercourse with one another. The best apology for laws of prohibition and laws of monopoly, will be found in that state of society, not only unenlightened, but sluggish, in which they are most generally established. Private industry in those days, required strong provocatives, which government was seeking to administer by these means.. Something was wanted to actuate and stimulate men, and the prospects of such profits as would,. in our times, excite unbounded competition, would hardly move the sloth of former ages. In some instances, no doubt, these laws produced an effect which, in that period, would not have taken place without them. (Instancing the protection to the English woollen manufactures in the time of the Henrys and the Edwards). But our age is wholly of a different character, and its legislation takes another turn. Society is full of excitement: competition comes in place of monopoly; and intelligence and industry ask only for fair play and an open field."

"Within my own observation, there is no cause for such gloomy and terrifying a representation. In respect to the New England States, with the condition of which I am best acquainted, they present to me a period of very general prosperity. Supposing the evil then to be a depression of prices, and a partial pecuniary pressure; the next inquiry is into the causes of that evil. A depreciated currency existed in a great part of the country-depreciated to such a degree as that, at one time, exchange between the centre and the north was as high as twenty per cent. The Bank of the United States was instituted to correct this evil; but, for causes which it is not now necessary to enumerate, it did not for some years bring back the currency of the country to a sound state. In May, 1819, the British House of Commons, by an unanimous vote, decided that the resumption of cash payments by the Bank of England should not be deferred beyond the ensuing February (it had then been in a state of suspension near twentyfive years). The paper system of England had certainly communicated an artificial value to property. It had encouraged speculation, and excited overtrading. When the shock therefore came, and this violent pressure for money acted at the same moment on the Continent and in England, inflated and unnatural prices could be kept up no longer. A reduction took place, which has been estimated to have been at least equal to a fall of thirty, if not forty, per cent. The depression was universal; and the change was felt in the United States severely, though not equally so in every part of them. About the time of these foreign events, our own bank system underwent a change; and all these causes, in my view of the subject, concurred to produce the great shock which took place in our commercial cities, and through many parts of the country. The year 1819 was a year of numerous failures, and very considerable distress, and would have furnished far better grounds than exist at present for that gloomy represen- from Louisiana, Mr. Edward Livingston; from tation which has been presented. Mr. Speaker Alabama, Mr. Owen; from Maryland, Mr. VOL. I.-3

With Mr. Webster were numerous and able speakers on the side of free trade: From his own State, Mr. Baylies; from New-York, Mr. Cambreling; from Virginia, Messrs. Randolph, Philip P. Barbour, John S. Barbour, Garnet, Alexander Smythe, Floyd, Mercer, Archer, Stevenson, Rives, Tucker, Mark Alexander; from North Carolina, Messrs. Mangum, Saunders, Spaight, Lewis Williams, Burton, Weldon N. Edwards; from South Carolina, Messrs. McDuffie, James Hamilton, Poinsett; from Georgia, Messrs. Forsyth, Tatnall, Cuthbert, Cobb; from Tennessee, Messrs. Blair, Isaaks, Reynolds ;

Warfield; from Mississippi, Mr. Christopher Mr. Crawford was opposed to it; and Mr. CalRankin.

houn had been withdrawn from the list of presi dential candidates, and become a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. The Southern planting States were extremely dissatisfied with the pass age of the bill, believing that the new burdens upon imports which it imposed fell upon the

one section of the Union at the expense of another. The attack and support of the bil took much of a sectional aspect; Virginia, the two Carolinas, Georgia, and some others being nearly unanimous against it. Pennsylvania New-York, Ohio, Kentucky being nearly unani mous for it. Massachusetts, which up to this time had a predominating interest in commerce voted all, except one member, against it. With this sectional aspect, a tariff for protection also began to assume a political aspect, being taken under the care of the party since discriminated as Whig, which drew from Mr. Van Buren a sagacious remark, addressed to the manufactur ers themselves; that if they suffered their inter

The bill was carried in the House, after a protracted contest of ten weeks, by the lean majority of five-107 to 102-only two members absent, and the voting so zealous that several members were brought in upon their sick couches. In the Senate the bill encountered a strenuous resist-producers of the exports, and tended to enrich ance. Mr. Edward Lloyd, of Maryland, moved to refer it to the committee on finance-a motion considered hostile to the bill; and which was lost by one vote-22 to 23. It was then, on the motion of Mr. Dickerson, of New Jersey, referred to the committee on manufactures; a reference deemed favorable to the bill, and by which committee it was soon returned to the Senate without any proposed amendment. It gave rise to a most earnest debate, and many propositions of amendment, some of which, of slight import, were carried. The bill itself was carried by the small majority of four votes-25 to 21. The principal speakers in favor of the bill were: Messrs. Dickerson, of New Jersey; D'Wolf, of Rhode Island; Holmes, of Maine; R. M. John-ests to become identified with a political party son, of Kentucky; Lowrie, of Pennsylvania; Tal- (any one), they would share the fate of that bot, of Kentucky; Van Buren. Against it the party, and go down with it whenever it sunk principal speakers were: Messrs. James Barbour Without the increased advantages to some States and John Taylor, of Virginia (usually called the pendency of the presidential election, and John Taylor of Caroline); Messrs. Branch, of the political tincture which the question began North Carolina; Hayne, of South Carolina; to receive, the bill would not have passed-so Henry Johnson and Josiah Johnston, of Louisi- difficult is it to prevent national legislation from ana; Kelly and King, of Alabama; Rufus King, falling under the influence of extrinsic and acciof New-York; James Lloyd, of Massachusetts; dental causes. The bill was approved by Mr Edward Lloyd and Samuel Smith, of Maryland; Monroe-a proof that that careful and strict Macon, of North Carolina; Van Dyke, of Dela- constructionist of the Constitution did not conThe bill, though brought forward avow-sider it as deprived of its revenue character by edly for the protection of domestic manufactures, the degree of protection which it extended. was not entirely supported on that ground. An increase of revenue was the motive with some, the public debt being still near ninety millions, and a loan of five millions being authorized at that session. An increased protection to the products of several States, as lead in Missouri and Illinois, hemp in Kentucky, iron in Pennsylvania, wool in Ohio and New-York, commanded many votes for the bill; and the impending presidential election had its influence in its favor. Two of the candidates, Messrs. Adams and Clay, were avowedly for it; General Jackson, who voted for the bill, was for it, as tending to give a home supply of the articles necessary in time of war, and as raising revenue to pay the public debt.

ware.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE A. B. PLOT.

ON Monday, the 19th of April, the Speaker of the House (Mr. Clay) laid before that body a note just received from Ninian Edwards, Esq. late Senator in Congress, from Illinois, and ther Minister to Mexico, and then on his way to his post, requesting him to present to the House a communication which accompanied the note, and

which charged illegalities and misconduct on the sponsibility, the Speaker being himself a candiSecretary of the Treasury, Mr. William H. Craw-date for the Presidency, and every member of the ford. The charges and specifications, spread House a friend to some one of the candidates, inthrough a voluminous communication, were con- cluding the accused. It consisted of Mr. Floyd, the densed at its close into six regular heads of mover; Mr. Livingston, of Louisiana; Mr. Webaccusation, containing matter of impeachment; ster, of Massachusetts; Mr. Randolph, of Virgiand declaring them all to be susceptible of proof, nia; Mr. J. W. Taylor, of New-York; Mr. Duncan if the House would order an investigation. The McArthur, of Ohio; and Mr. Owen, of Alabama. communication was accompanied by ten num- The sergeant-at-arms of the House was immebers of certain newspaper publications, signed diately dispatched by the committee in pursuit A. B., of which Mr. Edwards avowed himself to of Mr. Edwards: overtook him at fifteen hunbe the author, and asked that they might be dred miles; brought him back to Washington; received as a part of his communication, and but did not arrive until Congress had adjourned. printed along with it, and taken as the specifica- In the mean time, the committee sat, and received tions under the six charges. Mr. Crawford was from Mr. Crawford his answer to the six charthen a prominent candidate for the Presidency, ges: an answer pronounced by Mr. Randolph and the A. B. papers, thus communicated to the to be "a triumphant and irresistible vindication; House, were a series of publications made in a the most temperate, passionless, mild, dignified, Washington City paper, during the canvass, to and irrefragable exposure of falsehood that ever defeat his election, and would doubtless have met a base accusation; and without one harsh shared the usual fate of such publications, and word towards their author." This was the true sunk into oblivion after the election was over, character of the answer; but Mr. Crawford did had it not been for this formal appeal to the not write it. He was unable at that time to House (the grand inquest of the nation) and this write any thing. It was written and read to call for investigation. The communication, how-him as it went on, by a treasury clerk, familiar ever, did not seem to contemplate an early in- with all the transactions to which the accusavestigation, and certainly not at the then session tions related-Mr. Asbury Dickens, since secreof Congress. Congress was near its adjourn-tary of the Senate. This Mr. Crawford told ment; the accuser was on his way to Mexico; the charges were grave; the specifications under them numerous and complex; and many of them relating to transactions with the remote western banks. The evident expectation of the accuser was, that the matter would lie over to the next session, before which time the presidential elec-son-in-law, Mr. Cook), examined all the evidence tion would take place, and all the mischief be done to Mr. Crawford's character, resulting from unanswered accusations of so much gravity, and so imposingly laid before the impeaching branch of Congress. The friends of Mr. Crawford saw the necessity of immediate action; and Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, instantly, upon the reading of the communication, moved that a committee be ap-gress had adjourned. He was examined fully, pointed to take it into consideration, and that it be empowered to send for persons and papersto administer oaths-take testimony-and report it to the House; with leave to sit after the adjournment, if the investigation was not finished before; and publish their report. The committee was granted, with all the powers asked for, and was most unexceptionably composed by the speaker (Mr. Clay); a task of delicacy and re

himself at the time, with his accustomed frankness. His answer being mentioned by a friend, as a proof that his paralytic stroke had not affected his strength, he replied, that was no proofthat Dickens wrote it. The committee went on with the case (Mr. Edwards represented by his

in their reach, made a report unanimously concurred in, and exonerating Mr. Crawford from every dishonorable or illegal imputation. The report was accepted by the House; but Mr. Edwards, having far to travel on his return journey, had not yet been examined; and to hear him the committee continued to sit after Con

but could prove nothing; and the committee made a second report, corroborating the former, and declaring it as their unanimous opinionthe opinion of every one present-"that nothing had been proved to impeach the integrity of the Secretary, or to bring into doubt the general correctness and ability of his administration of the public finances."

The committee also reported all the testimony

taken, from which it appeared that Mr. Edwards | of the government with more integrity and pro

priety than Mr. Crawford did. He (Mr. Noble) until the evening of the day that I (he) was informhad never repeated this conversation to any body

the House of Representatives. On that evening, in conversation with several members of the Nelson, some of whom said that Governor EdHouse, amongst whem were Mr. Reid and Mr.

himself had contradicted all the accusations in the A. B. papers; had denied the authorship of them; had applauded the conduct of Mr. Craw-ed that Gov. Edwards' 'address' was presented to ford in the use of the western banks, and their currency in payment of the public lands, as having saved farmers from the loss of their homes; and declared his belief, that no man in the gov-wards had avowed himself to be the author of ernment could have conducted the fiscal and financial concerns of the government with more integrity and propriety than he had done. This was while his nomination as minister to Mexico

was depending in the Senate, and to Mr. Noble, a Senator from Indiana, and a friend to Mr. Crawford. He testified:

"That he had had a conversation with Mr. Edwards, introduced by Mr. E. himself, concerning Mr. Crawford's management of the western banks, and the authorship of the A. B. letters. That it was pending his nomination made by the President to the Senate, as minister to Mexico. He (Mr. E.) stated that he was about to be attacked in the Senate, for the purpose of defeating his nomination: that party and political spirit was now high; that he understood that charges would be exhibited against him, and

that it had been so declared in the Senate. He
further remarked, that he knew me to be the
decided friend of William H. Crawford, and said,
I am considered as being his bitter enemy; and
I am charged with being the author of the num-
bers signed A. B.; but (raising his hand) I pledge
you my honor, I am not the author, nor do I
know who the author is. Crawford and I, said
Mr. Edwards, have had a little difference; but I
have always considered him a high-minded, hon-
orable, and vigilant officer of the government.
He has been abused about the western banks
and the unavailable funds. Leaning forward,
and extending his hand, he added, now damn it,
you know we both live in States where there
are many poor debtors to the government for
lands, together with a deranged currency. The
notes on various banks being depreciated, after
the effect and operation of the war in that por-
tion of the Union, and the banks, by attempting
to call in their paper, having exhausted their
specie, the notes that were in circulation became
of little or no value. Many men of influence in
that country, said he, have united to induce the
Secretary of the Treasury to select certain banks
as banks of deposit, and to take the notes of
certain banks in payment for public land. Had
he (Mr. Crawford) not done so, many of our in-
habitants would have been turned out of doors,
and lost their land; and the people of the coun-
try would have had a universal disgust against
Mr. Crawford. And I will venture to say, said
Mr. Edwards, notwithstanding I am considered
his enemy, that no man in this government could
have managed the fiscal and financial concerns

A. B., and others said that he had not done so, I
remarked, that they must have misunderstood the
'address,' for Gov. Edwards had pledged his
honor to me that he was not the author of A. B."

the nomination was depending, of all authorship
of these publications: among them, the editors
of the National Intelligencer,- friends to Mr.
Crawford. Mr. Edwards called at their office
at that time (the first time he had been there
within a year), to exculpate himself from the
imputed authorship; and did it so earnestly that
the editors believed him, and published a contra-
diction of the report against him in their paper,
stating that they had a "good reason" to know
that he was not the author of these publications.
That "good reason," they testified, was his own
voluntary denial in this unexpected visit to their
office, and his declarations in what he called a
"frank and free" conversation with them on the
subject. Such testimony, and the absence of all
proof on the other side, was fatal to the accusa-
The committee re-
tions, and to the accuser.
ported honorably and unanimously in favor of
Mr. Crawford; the Congress and the country
accepted it; Mr. Edwards resigned his commis-
sion, and disappeared from the federal political
theatre: and that was the end of the A. B. plot,
which had filled some newspapers for a year with
publications against Mr. Crawford, and which
might have passed into oblivion, as the current
productions and usual concomitants of a Presi-
dential canvass, had it not been for their formal
communication to Congress as ground of im-
peachment against a high officer.
munication carried the "six charges," and their
ten chapters of specifications, into our parlia-
mentary history, where their fate becomes one
of the instructive lessons which it is the province
of history to teach. The newspaper in which the
A. B. papers were published, was edited by a
war-office clerk, in the interest of the war Secre-
tary (Mr. Calhoun), to the serious injury of that
gentleman, who received no vote in any State
voting for Mr. Crawford.

Other witnesses testified to his denials, while

That com