now what it had always refused to do before), and justice in suits and litigations were provided and was eminently desirable to us for commer- for. In questions between a citizen of the cial, political and social reasons. The Turkish United States and a subject of the Sublime dominions include what was once nearly the Porte, the parties were not to be heard, nor one half of the Roman world, and countries judgment pronounced, unless the American inwhich had celebrity before Rome was founded. terpreter (dragoman) was present. In questions Sacred and profane history had given these do- between American citizens the trial was to be minions a venerable interest in our eyes. They before the United States minister or consul. covered the seat which was the birth-place of "Even when they (the American citizens, so runs the human race, the cradle of the Christian re- the fourth article), shall have committed some ligion; the early theatre of the arts and sciences; offence, they shall not be arrested and put in and contained the city which was founded by the prison by the local authorities, but shall be first Roman Christian emperor. Under good gov- tried by the minister or consul, and punished ernment it had always been the seat of rich com- according to the offence." By this treaty all merce and of great wealth. Under every aspect that was granted to other nations by the treaty it was desirable to the United States to have its of Adrianople is also granted to the United social, political and commercial intercourse with States, with the additional stipulation, to be althese dominions placed on a safe and stable foot-ways placed on the footing of the most favored ing under the guaranty of treaty stipulations; and this object was now accomplished. These were the general considerations; particular and recent circumstances gave them additional weight. Exclusion of our commerce from the Black Sea, and the advantages which some nations had lately gained by the treaty of Adrianople, called for renewed exertions on our part; and they were made by General Jackson. A commissioner was appointed (Mr. Charles Rhind) to open negotiations with the Sublime Porte; and with him were associated the United States naval commander in the Mediterranean (Commodore Biddle), and the United States consul at Smyrna (Mr. David Offley). Mr. Rhind completed the negotiation, though the other gentlemen joined in the signature of the treaty. By the provisions of this treaty, our trade with the Turkish dominions was placed on the footing of the most favored nation; and being without limitation as to time, may be considered as perpetual, subject only to be abrogated by war, in itself improbable, or by other events not to be expected. The right of passing the Dardanelles and of navigating the Black Sea was secured to our merchant ships, in ballast or with cargo, and to carry the products of the United States and of the Ottoman empire, except the prohibited articles. The flag of the United States was to be respected. Factors, or commercial brokers, of any religion were allowed to be employed by our merchants. Consuls were placed on a footing of security, and travelling with passports was protected. Fairness nation-a stipulation wholly independent of the treaty exacted by Russia at Adrianople as the fruit of victories, and of itself equivalent to a full and liberal treaty; and the whole guaranteed by a particular treaty with ourselves, which makes us independent of the general treaty of Adrianople. A spirit of justice, liberality and kindness runs through it. Assistance and protection is to be given throughout the Turkish dominions to American wrecked vessels and their crews; and all property recovered from a wreck is to be delivered up to the American consul of the nearest port, for the benefit of the owners. Ships of war of the two countries are to exhibit towards each other friendly and courteous conduct, and Turkish ships of war are to treat American merchant vessels with kindness and respect. This treaty has now been in force near twenty years, observed with perfect good faith by each, and attended by all the good consequences expected from it. The valuable commerce of the Black Sea, and of all the Turkish ports of Asia Minor, Europe and Africa (once the finest part of the Roman world), travelling, residence, and the pursuit of business throughout the Turkish dominions, are made as safe to our citizens as in any of the European countries; and thus the United States, though amongst the youngest in the family of nations, besides securing particular advantages to her own citizens, has done her part in bringing those ancient countries into the system of modern European commercial policy, and in harmonizing people long estranged from each other. 10. TREATY OF AMITY AND COMMERCE WITH SIAM.-This was concluded in March, 1833, Mr. Edmund Roberts the negotiator on the part of the United States, and contained the provisions in behalf of American citizens and commerce which had been agreed upon in the treaty with the Sublime Porte, which was itself principally framed upon that with Morocco in 1787; and which may well become the model of all that may be made, in all time to come, with all the Oriental nations. 11. THE SAME WITH THE SULTAN OF MusCAT. Such were the fruits of the foreign diplomacy of President Jackson. There were other treaties negotiated under his administration— with Austria, Mexico, Chili, Peru, Bolivia, Venezuela-but being in the ordinary course of foreign intercourse, do not come within the scope of this View, which confines itself to a notice of such treaties as were new or difficult 9. RENEWAL OF THE TREATY WITH MOROCco.-A treaty had been made with this power in the time of the old Congress under the Confederation; and it is honorable to Morocco to see in that treaty, at the time when all other powers on the Barbary coast deemed the property of a Christian, lawful prey, and his person a proper subject for captivity, entering into such stipulations as these following, with a nation so young as the United States: "Neither party to take commissions from an enemy; persons and | property captured in an enemy's vessel to be released; American citizens and effects to be restored; stranded vessels to be protected; vessels engaged in gunshot of forts to be protected; enemies' vessels not allowed to follow out of port for twenty-four hours; American commerce to be on the most favored footing; exchange of prisoners in time of war; no compulsion in buying or selling goods; no examination of goods on board, except contraband was proved; no detention of vessels; disputes between Ameri--which were unattainable by previous adminiscans to be settled by their consuls, and the consul assisted when necessary; killing punished by the law of the country; the effects of persons dying intestate to be taken care of, and delivered to the consul, and, if no consul, to be deposited with some person of trust; no appeal to arms unless refusal of friendly arrangements; in case of war, nine months to be allowed to citizens of each power residing in the dominions of the other to settle their affairs and remove." This treaty, made in 1787, was the work of Benjamin Franklin (though absent at the signature), John Adams, at London, and Thomas Jefferson, at Paris, acting through the agent, Thomas Barclay, at Fez; and was written with a plainness, simplicity and beauty, which I have not seen equalled in any treaty, between any nations, before or since. It was extended to fifty years, and renewed by General Jackson, in the last year of his administration, for fifty years more; and afterwards until twelve months' notice of a desire to abridge it should be given by one of the parties. The resident American consul at Tangier, Mr. James R. Leib, negotiated the renewal; and all the parties concerned had the good taste to preserve the style and language of the original throughout. It will stand, both for the matter and the style, a monument to the honor of our early statesmen. trations; and those which brought indemnity to our citizens for spoliations committed upon them in the time of General Jackson's predecessors. In this point of view, the list of treaties presented, is grand and impressive; the bare recital of which, in the most subdued language of historical narrative, places the foreign diplomacy of General Jackson on a level with the most splendid which the history of any nation has presented. First, the direct trade with the British West Indies, which had baffled the skill and power of all administrations, from Washington to John Quincy Adams inclusive, recovered, established, and placed on a permanent and satisfactory footing. Then indemnities from France, Spain, Denmark, Naples, Portugal, for injuries committed on our commerce in the time of the great Napoleon. Then original treaties of commerce and friendship with great powers from which they never could be obtained before -Russia, Austria, the Sublime Porte. Then leaving his country at peace with all the world, after going through an administration of eight years which brought him, as a legacy from his predecessors, the accumulated questions of half an age to settle with the great powers. This is the eulogy of FACTS, worth enough, in the plainest language, to dispense with eulogium of WORDS. CHAPTER CXXXV. SLAVERY AGITATION. resentment of Southern people. His letter was not to a neighbor, or to a citizen in private life, but to a public man on the theatre of national action, and one who had acted a part in composing national difficulties. It was evidently written for a purpose. It was in answer to Mr. Clay's expressed belief, that no design hostile to Southern slavery existed in the body of the Northern people-to concur with him in that belief-and to give him warning that the danger was in another quarter-in the South itself: and that it looked to a dissolution of the Union. It was to warn an eminent public man of a new source of national danger, more alarming than the one he had just been composing. Ir is painful to see the unceasing efforts to alarm the South by imputations against the North of unconstitutional designs on the subject of slavery. You are right, I have no doubt, in believing that no such intermeddling disposition exists in the body of our Northern brethren. Their good faith is sufficiently guaranteed by the interest they have as merchants, as ship >wners, and as manufacturers, in preserving a Union with the slaveholding States. On the About the same time, and to an old and con>ther hand what madness in the South to look fidential friend (Edward Coles, Esq., who had for greater safety in disunion. It would be been his private secretary when President), Mr. worse than jumping into the fire for fear of the Madison also wrote: "On the other hand what frying pan. The danger from the alarms is, that more dangerous than nullification, or more evithe pride and resentment exerted by them may dent than the progress it continues to make, be an overmatch for the dictates of prudence; either in its original shape or in the disguises it and favor the project of a Southern convention, assumes? Nullification has the effect of putinsidiously revived, as promising by its councils, ting powder under the constitution and the the best securities against grievances of every sort Union, and a match in the hand of every party from the North."-So wrote Mr. Madison to Mr. to blow them up at pleasure. And for its proClay, in June 1833. It is a writing every word gress, hearken to the tone in which it is now of which is matter for grave reflection, and the preached: cast your eyes on its increasing minordate at the head of all. It is dated just three ities in the most of the Southern States, without months after the tariff "compromise" of 1833, a decrease in any of them. Look at Virginia which, in arranging the tariff question for nine herself, and read in the gazettes, and in the proyears, was supposed to have quieted the South ceedings of popular meetings, the figure which the -put an end to agitation, and to the idea of a anarchical principle now makes, in contrast with Southern convention-and given peace and har- the scouting reception given to it but a short mony to the whole Union. Not so the fact-at time ago. It is not probable that this offspring least not so the fact in South Carolina. Agita- of the discontents of South Carolina will ever tion did not cease there on one point, before it approach success in a majority of the States: began on another: the idea of a Southern con- but a susceptibility of the contagion in the vention for one cause, was hardly abandoned Southern States is visible: and the danger not before it was "insidiously revived" upon another. to be concealed, that the sympathy arising from I use the language of Mr. Madison in qualifying known causes, and the inculcated impression of this revival with a term of odious import: for a permanent incompatibility of interests between no man was a better master of our language than the South and the North, may put it in the power he was no one more scrupulously just in all of popular leaders, aspiring to the highest stahis judgments upon men and things-and no tions, to unite the South on some critical occaone occupying a position either personally, po- sion, in a course that will end in creating a new litically, or locally, to speak more advisedly on theatre of great though inferior interest. In the subject of which he spoke. He was pained pursuing this course, the first and most obvious to see the efforts to alarm the South on the sub-step is nullification, the next secession, and the ject of slavery, and the revival of the project for last a farewell separation." a Southern convention; and he feared the effect which these alarms should have on the pride and VOL. I.-39 In this view of the dangers of nullification in its new "disguise"-the susceptibility of the South to after to attempt any thing further than for the State to provide for her own safety by defensive measures of her own. If the issue presented is to be met, it can only be done by a convention of the aggrieved States; the proceedings of which, to be of any value, must embody and make known the sentiments of the whole South, and contain the distinct annunciation of our fixed and unaltered determination to obtain the redress of our grievances, be the consequences what they may. We must have it clearly understood that, in framing a constitutional union with our Northern brethren, the slaveholding States consider themselves as no more liable to any more interference with their domestic concerns than if they had remained entirely independent of the other States, and that, as such interference would, among independent nations, such a confederacy as ours, it must place the be a just cause of war, so among members of several States in the relation towards each other of open enemies. To sum up in a few words the whole argument on this subject, we would say that the abolitionists can only be put down by legislation in the States in which they exist, and this can only be brought about by the embodied opinion of the whole South, acting upon public opinion at the North, which can only be effected through the instrumentality of a convention of the slaveholding States." its contagious influence-its fatal action upon an "inculcated incompatibility of interests" between the North and the South-its increase in the slave States its progress, first to secession, and then to "farewell separation:" in this view of the old danger under its new disguise, Mr. Madison, then eighty-four years old, writes with the wisdom of age, the foresight of experience, the spirit of patriotism, and the "pain" of heart which a contemplation of the division of those States excited which it had been the pride, the glory, and the labor of his life to unite. The slavery turn which was given to the Southern agitation was the aspect of the danger which filled his mind with sorrow and misgiving:—and not without reason. A paper published in Washington City, and in the interest of Mr. Calhoun, was incessant in propagating the slavery alarm-in denouncing the North-in exhorting the Southern States to unity of feeling and concert of action as the only means of saving their domestic institutions. The language had become current in some parts of the South, that it was impossible to unite the Southern States upon the tariff question: that the sugar interest in Louisiana would prevent her from joining: that it was a mistake to have made that issue: that the slavery question was the right one. And coincident with this current language were many publications, urging a Southern convention, and concert of action. Passing by all these, which might be deemed mere newspaper articles, there was one which bore the impress of thought and authenticity— which assumed the convention to be a certainty, the time only remaining to be fixed, and the cause for it to be in full operation in the Nor-treated as a confederacy, under a compact. thern States. It was published in the Charleston Mercury in 1835,-was entitled the "Crisis" -and had the formality of a manifesto; and after dilating upon the aggressions and encroach-in the "Crisis," and the whole of it calculated ments of the North, proceeded thus: It is impossible to read this paragraph from the "Crisis," without seeing that it is identical with Mr. Calhoun's report and speech upon incendiary publications transmitted through the mail. The same complaint against the North; the same exaction of the suppression of abolition societies; the same penalty for omitting to suppress them; that penalty always the samea Southern convention, and secession-and the same idea of the contingent foreign relation to each other of the respective States, always Upon his arrival at Washington at the commencement of the session 1835-236, all his conduct was conformable to the programme laid down to produce the event therein hypothetically announced; and, unfortunately, a double set of movements was then in the process of being carried on by the abolitionists, which favored "The proper time for a convention of the slaveholding States will be when the legislatures of Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and New-York shall have adjourned without passing laws for the suppression of the abolition societies. Should his purposes. One of these was the mail transeither of these States pass such laws, it would mission into the slave States of incendiary pubbe well to wait till their efficacy should be test-lications; and it has been seen in what manner ed. The adjournment of the legislatures of the he availed himself of that wickedness to prediNorthern States without adopting any measures effectually to put down Garrison, Tappan and their associates, will present an issue which must be met by the South, or it will be vain for us ever cate upon it a right of Southern secession; the other was the annoyance of Congress with a profusion of petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia; and his conduct with respect to these petitions, remains to be shown. Mr. Morris, of Ohio, presented two from that State, himself opposed to touching the subject of slavery in the States, but deeming it his duty to present those which applied to the District of Columbia. Mr. Calhoun de manded that they be read; which being done, "He demanded the question on receiving them, which, he said, was a preliminary question, which any member had a right to make. He demanded it on behalf of the State which he represented; he demanded it, because the petitions were in themselves a foul slander on nearly one half of the States of the Union; he demanded it, because the question involved was one over which neither this nor the House had any power whatever; and and a stop might be put to that agitation which prevailed in so large a section of the country, and which, unless checked, would endanger the existence of the Union. That the petitions just read contained a gross, false, and malicious slander, on eleven States represented on this floor, there was no man who in his heart could deny. This was, in itself, not only good, but the highest cause why these petitions should not be received. Had it not been the practice of the Senate to reject peti counteracted. But he dreaded the agitation which would rise out of the discussion in Congress on the subject. Every man knew that States who were ready to second any insurrecthere existed a body of men in the Northern tionary movement of the blacks; and that these men would be on the alert to turn these discussions to their advantage. He dreaded the discussion in another sense. It would have a tendency to break asunder this Union. What effect could be brought about by the interference of these petitioners? Could they expect to produce a change of mind in the Southern people? No; the effect would be directly the opposite. The more they were assailed on this point, the more closely would they cling to their institutions. And what would be the effect on the rising generation, but to inspire it with odium against those whose mistaken views and misdirected zeal menaced the peace and security of the Southern States. The effect must be to bring our institutions into odium. As a lover of the Union, he dreaded this discussion; and asked for some decided measure to arrest the course of the evil. There must, there shall be some decided step, or the Southern people never will submit. And how are we to treat the subject? By receiving these petitions one after another, and thus tampering, trifling, sporting with the feelings of the South? No, no, no! The abolitionists well understand the will of their body; and should they who were the give importance to their movements, and ac- This was new and extreme ground taken by Mr. Calhoun. To put the District of Columbia and the States on the same footing with respect to slavery legislation, was entirely contrary to the constitution itself, and to the whole doctrine of Congress upon it. The constitution gave to Congress exclusive jurisdiction over the District of Columbia, without limitation of subjects; but it had always refused, though We will meet this question as firmly as if often petitioned, to interfere with the subject of it were the direct question of emancipation in slavery in the District of Columbia so long as it the States. It is a movement which ought to, existed in the two States (Maryland and Virgiwhich must be, arrested, in limine, or the guards of the constitution will give way and be de- nia) which ceded that District to the federal stroyed. He demanded the question on receiv- government. The doctrine of Mr. Calhoun was, ing the petitions, because of the agitation which therefore, new; his inference that slavery was would result from discussing the subject. The to be attacked in the States through the opening danger to be apprehended was from the agita- in the District, was gratuitous; his "demand" tion of the question on that floor. He did not fear those incendiary publications which were (for that was the word he constantly used), that circulated abroad, and which could easily be these petitions should be refused a reception, it. |