mandates, the last year, which we understand lie before his Majesty, to the substance whereof we have not to add; and, therefore, can't expect that the ablest persons among us could be in a capacity to declare our case more fully.""I fear," exclaims the moderate Bradstreet, when the genuineness of the King's letter is called in question, "I fear we take not a right course for our safety it is clear that this signification is from his Majesty." Major Denison declares his dissent from the Court's letter, and desires that it may be recorded.2

On the 10th of October the Court again met, "according to adjournment in May last. Many express themselves very sensible of our condition, several earnest for sending, and some against sending. The Court agreed to send his Majesty two large masts, aboard Captain Peirce, thirty-four yards long, and agreed to levy £1000 for the payment of what is needful at present." This measure met with opposition, but the masts were at last sent. Provisions were also sent to the English fleet in the West Indies; and a liberal contribution was made throughout the coutnry, for the relief of the sufferers by the great fire in London.

On the 10th of November Bellingham received a letter from the Commissioners, written at New York, Nov. 3, 1666, in which they sharply reprove the government for its insinuations concerning the letter of Apríl 10th, its refusal to obey his Majesty's commands, and its treatment of those persons," eminent for loyalty and estate," who had presented the petitions, already mentioned, "so full of duty to his Majestie, of respect to the General Court, and tending to the peace and welfare of the whole Colony." The Governor ordered Secretary Rawson, on the 13th, to inform Mr. Maverick, the bearer of the Commissioners' letter," that the General Court being dissolved sundry dayes since, their returne to the honorable Sir William Morrice is dispatched by the ships gone for England in the last month." 5

On the 20th of this month Nichols and Carr published a Protest, at Fort James, in New York, directed "to all his Majesty's subjects," in favor of Hermon Garret, and against certain persons who had disturbed him in his possessions.

On January 22, 1666-7, Governor Leverett sent a summons to Sir Robert Carr, who, having visited Delaware, had come to Boston to take passage for England, requiring him to appear, with his servant, James Deane, before him, at his house, on the 23d inst., between nine and ten o'clock in the morning, to answer for "royatous and abusive carriag to Richard Bennet, one of the Constables of this towne, on Saturday last, in the evening, at the house of John Vyal, vintner.""

Carr soon

What was the result of this summons we are unable to state. sailed for England, where his life was brought to a close ere he had much time to trouble the Colony by his representations."

1 See the General Court's answer to the King's letters of Feb. 22d, and April 10th, 1666, in Danforth Papers, 108-9.

2 Ibid. 98101, 108, 109; Hutchinson, i. 232.

3 Pepys writes in his Diary, under Dec. 3, 1666, "there is the very good news come of four New England ships come home safe to Falmouth, with masts for the King; which is a blessing mighty unexpected, and without which (if for nothing else) we must have failed the next year. But God be praised for thus much good fortune, and send us the continuance of his favor in other things!" Memoirs of Pepys, iii. 100 - 1'; Danforth Papers, 110–11.

4 Hutchinson, i. 235 - 6.

5 See the Commissioners' letter in Hutch. Coll. Papers, pp. 408-10, and Bellingham's reply, ibid., p. 410.

See the Protest, in R. I. Hist. Coll. I. 182-3.

7 The summons is in Hutch. Coll. p. 411.

8 According to Morton and Josselyn, Sir Robert Carr "arrived at Bristol, and died there June 1, 1667, the next day after he came ashore." I find mention made of a Sir

And what did England's Monarch say to the resistance which his Commissioners had encountered in the Massachusetts Colony? Perhaps he whispered the tale of his subjects' refractoriness in the ears of one of his mistresses. He certainly did nothing until the year 1671, when he constituted a new Council for Plantations. At the first meeting of this Board, on the 26th of May,-" at the Earl of Bristol's house, in Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields,"" there were great debates in what style to write to New England," which appeared to them to be “very independent as to their regard to Old England or his Majesty." The King himself commended the subject to their attention, because "the condition of that Colony—rich and strong as they now were-was such that they were able to contest with all other Plantations about them, and there was fear of their breaking from all dependence on this nation." Some of the Council "were for sending them a menacing letter, which those who better understood the peevish and touchy humor of that Colony, were utterly against." On the 6th of June was laid before the Council"a most exact and ample information of the best expedients as to New England, on which there was a long debate, but at length it was concluded that, if any, it should be only a conciliating paper at first, or civil letter," till better information was received of the state of affairs, it being reported that "they were a people almost upon the very brink of renouncing any dependence on the Crown." Cartwright, one of the Commissioners in 1664, appeared before the Board on the 21st inst., and gave "a considerable relation" of New England; and it was resolved that," in the first place, a letter of amnesty should be dispatched." Accordingly, at a meeting on the 4th of July, a letter was prepared and "agreed to be sent to New England." It was subsequently (August 3d) debated whether to send a Deputy to New England, "requiring them of the Massachusetts to restore such to their limits and respective possessions as had petitioned the Council; this to be the open Commission only, but in truth with secret instructions to inform the Council of the condition of those Colonies, and whether they were of such power as to be able to resist his Majesty, and declare for themselves as independent of the Crown," as was reported, "which of late years made them refractory." One Colonel Middleton, who "was able to give some information of the state of New England," assured the Council that "they might be curbed by a few of his Majesty's first rate frigates, to spoil their trade with the Islands." It was finally determined "to advise his Majesty to send Commissioners with a formal Commission for adjusting boundaries, &c., with some other instructions." No Commissioners were sent, however, and we find the Council yet deliberating, Feb. 12, 1671-2, "on some fit person to go as Commissioner to inspect their actions in New England, and from time to time report how that people stood affected."

In September of this year the Council for Plantations was constituted a Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations. This Board appointed a committee to examine the laws of his Majesty's several Plantations and Colonies in the West Indies; and with this preliminary step appear to have terminated, for the present, at least, their measures with regard to New England. In 1674 the petitions of Gorges and Mason were renewed. It was rumored that Massachusetts had made peace with the Dutch, that she defrauded the King of his customs, by carrying tobacco from Virginia to

Robert Carr, of Sleaford, in Lincolnshire, who died Aug. 14, 1667. This may very probably be the obnoxious Commissioner. See Davis's Morton, p. 315; Josselyn, p. 275; Burke's Extinct and Dormant Baronetcies, p. 103.

1 Memoirs of Evelyn, i. 435, 436, 438-41, 447, 457.

2 Ibid. 459.

3 King Charles's letter of Oct. 21, 1681, in Chalmers's Political Annals, p. 446. 4 John Collins's letter to Gov. Leverett, April 10, 1674, in Hutch. Coll. Papers,

P. 443.

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France, Holland, &c. ; and she was advised of " a great design on foot for the regulation of New England," and that there was word" in her favor. She was counselled by a faithful friend to buy up no man to speak a Gorges's claim, about which there was lest it should, in the future, prove prejudicial." 'much discourse and complaint," licited by the Colony to answer the "misrepresentations that had been made Robert Boyle was soof their affections and actions." that it would be much more for the advantage of the Colony Boyle did what he could, but represented point some competent person, to solicit and manage their concerns on all 66 to send or apemergent occasions." 4"

to

Gorges and Mason, tired of their hitherto fruitless efforts to obtain the respective territories which they claimed, readily listened to a proposition to dispose of their claims to the King, who wished to unite Maine and New Hampshire, and thus form a Province which should be a principality worthy of his favorite son, the Duke of Monmouth. But this project was by no means agreeable to Massachusetts. He who had been selected as the Duke's Governor, in the contemplated Province, was to the Colony, "and such discouragements laid before him, and the ridicu"dealt withall" by a friend lousness of hoping for such a revenue, as was proposed, of £5000 a year, or more, to the Duke, that I think," writes Collins to Leverett, "it is laid aside." 6 Major Thomson was authorized by Leverett to open a negotiation with Ferdinando Gorges, and to offer him £500 for "his pretensions Maine, provided that he should "take off all after claims and claimers against the Colony of the Massachusetts, or others, upon the place."7 returned answer, Feb. 16, 1674-5, that Gorges was Thomson and that his expectations far exceeded the offer made by Massachusetts.8 "now in the clouds," The complaints against New England had, for some time, been neglected. The gay Monarch was entirely devoted to pleasure, and the Parliament had been occupied in devising some means for the payment of his vast debts. The King caused great discontent by prorogueing Parliament on the 11th of February, 1673-4. Sad "jangling Duke of Lauderdale and the nobility." "took place in Scotland, "betwixt the were presaged. Dissensions at home, and distractions abroad, had, as yet, "Dangers of Papists and Popery " left the English Government no time to mind such minute things regulation of a few Colonies, situated at such a distance from the mother country. Meantime New England - inhabited by ity, industry, and temperance, and the happiness of whose laws and institu"a people whose frugaltions, promise to them long life, with a wonderful increase of people, riches, and power,"-prospers by this neglect. She monopolized the carrying-trade of the western Plantations, and her magistrates claimed to be "his Majesty's Vice-Admirals in those seas. the country in 1673, "is very great to all parts;" she "hath become a Her trade, says one who visited magazine of all commodities. Ships daily arrive there from Holland, France, Spain, &c., bringing with them the productions of these countries." To Maryland, Virginia, and Jamaica she exported beef and pork, flour and breadstuffs. To Barbadoes, Nevis, and St. Christopher she sent horses, pipestaves, and houses ready framed; to Spain, Portugal, Madeira, and the Canaries, fish and timber; masts and yards for ships, to Guinea, Madagascar,

as the

Collins's letter, in Hutch. Coll. p. 444; Robert Thomson's letters of Aug. 3, 1674, and Feb. 16, 1674-5, to Leverett, ibid., pp. 462-3, 470-1, and Leverett's letter, Sept. 29, 1674, to Thomson, ibid., pp. 463-9.

2 John Knowles to Leverett, Apr. 16, 1674, ibid., p. 447.

3 Thomson to Leverett, Apr. 27, 1674, ibid., p. 449.

4 See Boyle's letter, in July, 1674, ibid., pp. 450-1.

5 Collins's letter of July 28, 1674, ibid., p. 451; Chalmers, Annals, pp. 397, 484, 486, History of the Revolt, i. 138-9.

6 Collins's letter of July 23, 1674.

7 Leverett's letter, Aug. 24, 1674, to Thomson, Hutch. Coll. pp. 466-7.

8 Thomson's letter, ibid.,

p. 470.

Collins's letters of Apr. 10th, and July 28th, 1674, ibid., pp. 444, 451-2; Wade's British History, p. 232.

and Syria; fir and oak plank, masts and yards, furs, train oil, and peltry, to Engiand. The Acts of Navigation were disregarded, "all nations having free liberty to come into their ports, and vend their commodities, without any restraint." This freedom of commerce, while it enriched the country, provoked the envy of the merchants and manufacturers of the parent state; and in the beginning of the year 1675 they laid their complaints before the Sovereign, representing that the widely-extended traffic of New England "would not only ruin the trade of this kingdom, but would leave no sort of dependence from that country to this." Complaints from such a quarter are seldom without effect. They were solemnly heard by the Committee of Foreign Plantations, and it was resolved that proper persons ought to be appointed to administer the oaths to the Colonial Governors, obliging them to see that the laws of trade were executed, to receive the duties, &c. &c.1 The scheme for the sale of Maine and New Hampshire having been laid aside-not from any disinclination on the part of the Monarch, but from his poverty-Gorges and Mason again petitioned for the restoration of their property. Governor Leverett received information that many complaints" were made against the Colony; that it was proposed to send "a Commissioner thither, and it was determined to do it with some force;" and that though, by reason of "more weighty affairs and want of money," this project might be delayed, yet that the Colony would certainly receive "a letter from his Majesty, to order some account of these things to be given him; and I fear," writes Collins, "that which is aimed at is to call your Patent to a strict account, upon what terms you hold it. You would do well," he proceeds, " to be in a preparation for it, especially to make good your title to that part of your Government. Here is none able to speak for you; we want instructions; papers that we had formerly, the late dreadful fire either consumed, or removes have quite lost. My Lord Privy seal, Lord Anglesey, takes it ill that he hath not been addressed to. I think, if you wrote an obliging letter to him, and transmit your pleas to him, as well as others that may wait upon him, you will do well." In accordance, probably, with this suggestion, Leverett subsequently wrote to the Earl of Anglesey, telling him "that the Colony was too poor to employ agents, and had no meet instruments." "

On the 24th of November a Proclamation was issued, prohibiting the importation of any of the commodities of Europe into the Plantations, which were not laden in England; and for putting the laws relating to the Plantation trade in execution. In 1676 letters were written to the Colonial Governors, commanding them to enforce strict obedience to the Acts of Trade, and commissions were sent, empowering proper persons to administer the requisite oaths. To New England-" the most prejudicial Plantation to the Kingdom of England"-it was determined to send a special messenger. The complaints of Gorges and Mason had been examined, and the King wrote to Massachusetts to send over agents, who should appear before him in six months after the receipt of his letter, fully empowered to defend her proceedings; declaring, at the same time, that unless agents were sent, as ordered, he was resolved to give judgment against the General Court, even in its absence," that he may be no longer tired with the complaints of his

See Sir Josiah Child's "New Discourse of Trade," (5th ed., 16mo. Glasgow, 1751,) pp. 160-3; the Relation of Capt. Cleyborne, of the Garland Frigate, in Chalmers's Political Annals, pp. 433-4; Randolph's Narrative, in Hutch. Coll. Papers, pp. 494-6; Chalmers's Political Annals, p. 401, and History of the Revolt, i. 128–9.

2 Collins's letter of March 19, 1674-5, Hutch. Coll pp. 472-3; Chalmers, Annals, p. 486, History of the Revolt, i. 139; Farmer's Belknap, pp. 85-6.

3 Chalmers's Political Annals, p. 395.

4 Wade's British History, p. 233; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvII. 136-7. This Proclamation was not received in Massachusetts until October, 1680. Randolph's "Articles," in Hutch. Coll. p. 526.

5 In the opinion of Sir Josiah Child, New Discourse of Trade, p. 135.

subjects, but may do them justice." Even the distresses of the Colony during the Indian War were made the subject of complaint in England. It was reported that divisions existed; that there had been a lack of prudence and foresight; that they were "poor and yet proud "-too proud to apply to the King for aid-and thus, it was said, by the obstinacy and penuriousness of those who were at the head of affairs, was a fine country in danger of being lost to the Crown.'

The person selected to bear the King's commands to Massachusetts was Edward Randolph, a kinsman of Mason, "a man of great address and penetration." Furnished with the King's letter of March, 1675-6, and copies of the petitions of Mason and Gorges, and with instructions from the Lords of Trade to enquire minutely into the state of the country, of its government and laws, Randolph sailed from the Downs on the 30th of March, 1675-6, and arrived at Boston on the 10th of June. He immediately waited upon Governor Leverett, who informed him that the Council was to meet in the afternoon, and that he should be sent for, as he was at the appointed time. His Majesty's letters, with the petitions, were read in the messenger's hearing, and he was dismissed with the answer" that they should consider of those things." On the 15th he was again sent for, and was informed by the Governor that an answer had been prepared to his Majesty's letter, which was 66 to accompany his own particular answer to a letter he had received from Mr. Secretary Williamson" by the same vessel in which Randolph had arrived. He was asked if he had anything further to communicate, and upon his replying in the negative, he was told that he was regarded as Mason's agent, and might withdraw. On the 23d inst., Randolph presented a memorial to the Governor and Council, reminding them of the King's commands, that agents should be sent to England, and desiring that a General Court might be convened, as "much more proper for dispatch of matters of so great and weighty concern," in order that he might receive "their deliberate and solemn answer" to his Majesty's letters. But he received no other answer than that, when he was ready to sail for England, he should have a copy of the letter which had been sent to the Sovereign.'

Randolph now ("about the beginning of July ") visited New Hampshire. Returning, after a short absence, to Massachusetts, he next waited upon Josiah Winslow, the Governor of Plymouth Colony, whom he speaks of as "a gentleman of loyal principles," one who "hath showed himself a person of great courage and conduct in the management of the Indian war, which makes him to be feared and not loved by his neighbors the Bostoners," and says that, "in his discourse he expressed his great dislike of the carriage of the magistrates of Boston to his Majesty's royal person and his subjects under their government."

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During my stay at Boston," says Randolph, "I found the generality of the people complaining of the arbitrary government and oppression of their magistrates, and do hope your Majesty will be pleased to free them from this bondage by establishing your own royal authority among them, and govern them according to your Majesty's laws; and many of the better sort did entreat me to represent this their condition to your Majesty, not daring publickly to express their desires or complaint by petition, because of the severity and arbitrary proceeding of their rulers."

On the 20th of July Randolph went to the Governor, and informed him that he was ready to return to England, whereupon the Governor gave him a duplicate of the letter which the Council had sent to the King, and he

'Chalmers, Revolt, i. 129, Annals, pp. 395, 402, 446; Hutchinson, i. 279, 280-1; the Earl of Anglesey's letter to Leverett, May 16, 1676, ibid. 279-80.

2 See the "Enquiries" of the Lords of Trade and Plantations, with Randolph's answers thereto, in Hutch. Coll. Papers, pp. 477-503.

3 Chalmers, pp. 395, 403; Farmer's Belknap, p. 86; Hutchinson, i. 280; Randolph's Narrative, in Hutch. Coll. pp. 503-7.

Ibid., 507, 508-10.