Слике страница
PDF
ePub

On May 5, 1789, the States General of France met and were inaugurated with the old pomp and solemnity. The king, the nobility, the clergy and the commons all took their places, and when the king sat down, the clergy and the nobility put their hats on; the commons against all precedent did the same thing. By that simple act they asserted the right of the people to an equal share in the government. The majesty of the Crown was to give place henceforth to the majesty of the Nation.

The great French Revolution marks a distinct epoch in the history of human liberty. Contemporaneously in the New World another revolution, less tragic and with no less far-reaching results took place. The English colonies of America refused to be taxed without their consent, and after a long and glorious struggle the United States of America became an independent nation. About the early part of the nineteenth century, inspired by the ideals of the French Revolution, and the example of the North American republic, the Spanish colonies of the New World proclaimed their independence, and finally democracy was established in all of them.

In this manner and by successive revolutions the right of self-government by the people and for the people became the recognized basis of authority.

It is to the lasting credit of the United States, the progress that is being made in the proper understanding of the meaning of democracy. The marvelous development in every branch of industry, the accumulation of wealth and the ceaseless activity of the American people have awakened the admiration of all the world, but these achievements represent, I would say, only the material side of the power of this country; there is another aspect to my mind of far more significance, and that is the growing consciousness amongst all classes, the press and public opinion,-which after all is the conscience of a democracy,-that the true greatness of a nation that aspires to the leadership of other nations, and has attained a commanding position such as the United States occupies, lies in the policy of invariable respect of right and the practice of justice, in all its dealings.

It seems to me that the number of people who wish to base the foreign policy of this country on the profits to be obtained, sacrificing to that end the rights and the respect due to other countries, is becoming confined to a small number of unscrupulous speculators who, under the guise of national convenience, are willing to take advantage of any excuse whatsoever to use the power of the nation in a criminal policy of domineering over smaller nations. The reiterated declarations of President Wilson that the United States has no designs of conquest or aggrandisement at the expense of any nation, no matter how weak, has been received by the American public and the press as the true expression of the nation's policy.

The attitude of the United States in the actual world's conflict, confirms the high ideals which now inspire this Republic. In his admirable message asking Congress to declare war against Prussian militarism, President Wilson voiced in the following words the noble and generous sentiments of the American democracy:

Right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for universal dominion of right by such concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we have with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured.

This, ladies and gentlemen, is a fine epitome of the ideals that make this nation worthy to lead the world and be an example to all the republics of America to whom these declarations mean not only an assurance but an inspiration for justice and right.

Some time before the declaration of war by the United States, my country, answering the German notification of an unrestricted submarine warfare, declared that it could not and would not acquiesce in a policy so contrary to all the accepted principles of international law, and broke relations with Germany, stating at the same time that Bolivia made its policy one with the United States in this emergency.

When military autocracy challenges all accepted rights, tramples down the sacredness of treaties and by its incredible atrocities turns back to the practices of times when Christianity was unknown and fills full the measure of sorrow and misery of the inhabitants of the invaded territories, no neutrality, no peace is possible. The triumph of militarism would mean the end of all free nations. The revival of the dark night of medievalism in its most oppressive form: military force.

We must fight to the end trusting that this is the last fight for freedom and democracy; but we cannot lose sight of the new problems that are looming up for the readjustment of the economic conditions of the world. Let us hope that the same generous principles of justice, right and a proper regard for the welfare of mankind in general, will be the guiding light that will redress any wrongs and make the world a more attractive place to prepare ourselves for our higher and everlasting happiness.

THE PAN AMERICAN OUTLOOK

By John Barrett, Director General of the Pan American Union, and formerly United States Minister to

Argentina, Panama and Colombia

These are days of great import in Pan American relations. The world war is having a most direct bearing upon Pan American solidarity. It is doing more than any other influence since the declaration of the Monroe Doctrine to weld together the American Republics in common purpose, in common interest and common achievement. The Pan American development of the hour is a disappointment to every enemy of those ideals for which the advocates of true Pan Americanism have stood in the past and will stand for long years in the future. What is happening now confirms the wisdom of the persistent endeavors which the friends of Pan Americanism have made during a long period of trial and tribulation.

It is interesting to look back ten or fifteen years and remember the pessimism of those who opposed the movement for practical Pan Americanism which was initiated by the Pan American Conference held at Rio Janeiro in 1906. It is easy now to remember how the pioneer advocates of this movement were scoffed at, how their articles, addresses and efforts were ridiculed. Where there were a few men who honestly believed that the results were possible which now are before us, there were thousands who regarded such possiblilties as pure dreams.

The records of the Pan American Union, the international organization of all the American Republics, with which the writer has had the honor to be connected for nearly twelve years, prove conclusively the growth of Pan American sentiment during the last ten or twelve years. A decade ago it was difficult to find any group of men in the political or business life of the United States who took a

2

real interest in practical Pan Americanism. The efforts of the Latin American diplomatic and consular representatives in the United States, of the United States diplomatic and consular representatives in Latin America, and the unceasing labor of the staff of the Pan American Union seemed to make little impression. There might have been discouragement were it not for the absolute confidence of these diplomats and the officers of this organization in the justice of their cause and what the future would bring forth. Fortunately the Department of State, headed by a great Secretary of State, Elihu Root, coöperated with the Pan American diplomats and the Pan American Union, and presently the Department of Commerce, which heretofore had thought little of Pan American Trade followed its example; then gradually the magazines and newspapers, chambers of commerce, boards of trade, universities and colleges, began to awaken to the potentialities of Pan Americanism. In due time the cause developed a real stride of progress. As each year passed by the interest grew more and more widespread until at the outbreak of the world war Pan Americanism was an accepted principle and fact throughout the world.

When, however, in April, 1917, the United States entered the struggle, many of the old pessimists and an army of skeptical persons again expressed their views to the effect that the structure of Pan Americanism which had been built up so rapidly during the previous decade would now prove itself to be only a paper castle. It is actually sad to call attention to the fact that the writer received numerous letters and listened to many statements to the effect that all which he and others had done in favor of Pan Americanism in past years would not now stand the test of a great trial. There were too many men who said:

What now of your vaunted Pan Americanism; what now of all the speeches, addresses, articles, predictions, etc., of the past; what now of the value of Pan American coöperation, Pan American unity and Pan American commerce; what now of the real Pan Americanism that is supposed to have its deep foundations based on the Monroe Doctrine and the early struggle of all the American Republics for liberty and independence; will not, in face of all your efforts, it be proved that the ties that bind the

« ПретходнаНастави »