NOTES AND REVIEWS

The End of the War. By WALTER EDWARD WEYL. The Macmillan Company, New York, 1918. 323 pages.

The book is an appeal to America to assume leadership in diplomacy, to eliminate imperialistic elements from the demands of our Allies, and to attempt a settlement based on internationalism. Mr. Weyl reviews our spirit of pacifism in the early days of the war; the conversion of America; the real spirit of our war against militarism; the attitude of French, English, Italian imperialists for spoiling the enemy; the sacred egoism of Italy in her hopes of expansion and conquest; the position of America as the great arbiter among the nations; the need of unification and crystallization of a mass of diverse elements in the various countries; the war beneath the war in Russia; the identity of the German people and the German Government as opponents of democracy; the impossibility of a return to the status quo; the failure of most of the "guaranties" entered into by diplomats before the war; the formation of a Grand Alliance based upon the principles of internationalism with special reference to economic and trade relations after the war. Among the obstacles to internationalism Mr. Weyl mentions the State Idea, which would suppress nationalities and the Nationality Idea which would dissolve states.

The book closes with a chapter relating to the Peace Conference and the conditions following it. After this war all nations must avoid becoming imperialistic again. All great industries must be nationalized. "The final war for democracy will begin after the war. It will be a wider conflict than that which now rages and the alignment will be by classes and interests rather than by nations. It will be a war which will be waged until separate interests within each nation are completely extinguished;" only then will the world have been made safe for democracy.

C. E. S.

Court and Diplomacy in Austria and Germany. What I Know. By COUNTESS OLGA LEUTRUM. Fisher Unwin, London, Adelph Terrace, 1918. 287 pp.

The book is addressed especially to the Russians for whom Countess Leutrum had inherited from her mother a deep admiration. She also thinks that of all the Allies "Russia most needs

enlightenment as to the true and intimate causes of this war and the long treacherous preparations of Germany and AustriaHungary."

Her father was a Hungarian and in the diplomatic service, so she grew up in an atmosphere saturated with international politics. She accompanied her father, who was Austro-Hungarian Minister to Holland, to the first Peace Conference at the Hague. Here she came in close contact with the political movements of the great European countries and she convinced herself that the Central Powers were opposed to the principles of durable peace which the Entente nations were so anxious to see established.

Upon the death of her father she spent some time within the German Empire. Here she was held in the greatest suspicion for her pro-Russian and anti-German sentiments. Later she took up her residence in Russia. She closes her volume with a final appeal to Russia to throw off the German yoke and to rise better and greater than before. C. E. S.

The Rebuilding of Europe. By DAVID JAYNE HILL. New York, The Century Company, 1917. 289 pp.

David Jayne Hill, a diplomat of experience and a historian, is unusually well qualified to discuss The Rebuilding of Europe. After a historic survey, he sets forth the conditions existing in the different states in order to show that nations in their "economic imperialism," the real cause of the Great War, are tribal not international in thought. This fact must be taken into account when discussing reconstruction plans. A purely political organization, such as a superstate which armed foree implies, would be resisted by all nations, since no state is willing to give up any of its "inherent rights." Modern nations, before forming an international organization, must rid themselves of their "heritage of evil," the traditional belief that the sovereignty of a state is synonymous with supreme power. When the states, which are really business corporations, are willing to accept the principles of universal justice which are extended to individuals within democracies, the details for a league of peace will be easily formulated. M. T. M.

Democracy and Diplomacy. By ARTHUR PONSONBY, M.P. London, Methuen and Company. 1915. 194 pp.

A study of the question of democratic control in England. The writer, a member of Parliament, voices his protest against

the methods used in the field of foreign politics and makes a strong plea for the adoption of the same methods in the management of foreign affairs as home affairs. The House of Commons and the people are, he thinks, to blame for having submitted so long to a system by which they are deprived of control over international relations, "the most important branch of public affairs." He maintains that it is absurd for Foreign Office debates to be "the low-water mark of Parliamentary interest." The book contains opinions of many authorities which serve to show there has long been recognition of the defect in the present constitutional practice with regard to the management of foreign affairs.

Origins of the Triple Alliance. By ARCHIBALD CARY COOLIDGE. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons. 1917. 236 pp.

A brief but excellent survey of the origins and work of the Triple Alliance. Especially valuable for teachers and students of the present war. The book is a revision of a group of lectures delivered by Dr. Coolidge in 1916. It makes clear the importance of the Triple Alliance as the great political and military factor in world affairs since the Franco-Prussian war. Bismark's policies and diplomatic triumphs are sketched with keen insight, and regard for his prescience is increased.

From Isolation to Leadership. A Review of American Foreign Policy. By JOHN HOLLADAY LATANÉ, Doubleday, Page and Company, Garden City, N. Y. 1918. 215 pages. In a brief, concise manner Dr. Latané has reviewed the foreign policy of the United States from the days of the "warning of Washington against permanent alliance and the warnings of Jefferson against entangling alliances" to the time when the aims upon which the United States entered into the World War were definitely stated.

The Monroe Doctrine is discussed at length. The author believes that in its modern interpretation it has developed in us certain imperialistic tendencies which closely resemble the European imperialism which the United States has hoped to check. The United States gradually departed from its place of isolation through its participation in various international conferences, such as the Berlin Conference, the Hague Peace Conferences, and the Algeciras Conference. It was instrumental in securing

the "Open-Door Policy" in the Orient and in forming a closer union among the several Pan-American States. The relations between England and the United States had so changed by 1897 that many writers have concluded that a secret treaty of alliance between the two countries must have been made.

The new Pan-Americanism is carefully outlined and the formation and policy of the American Institute of International Law are quite fully explained.

The United States has always remained neutral in times of European Wars, but in the present conflict where the security and safety of the entire world were threatened we could no longer be merely a silent observer. Through two years of experience we recognized the failure of neutrality, and this recognition and "the abandonment of isolation mark a radical, though inevitable, change in our attitude toward world politics." The war aims of the United States as contained in the several speeches of President Wilson are discussed in the closing chapter of the book. In conclusion the author shows that to America has fallen a great opportunity to serve mankind if she remains true to her best ideals. The United States has it in her power to shape the destinies of the world because as President Wilson has said, "We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of the nation can make them."

The book is well worth a careful study by all those interested in American Foreign Policy. CLARA E. SCHIEBER.

An Australian Girl in Germany. (Through Peace to War, JanuaryOctober, 1914.) By HILDA M. FREEMAN. Melbourne: The Specialty Press Pty. Ltd. 189-191 Little Collins Street, 1916. 372 pages.

The content of the book is founded upon the diary kept by Miss Freeman while she was in Germany, and she claims to have the originals-newspapers, pamphlets or magazines from which her many quotations have been literally translated. The book has not been colored by after-thought and reflection since the outbreak of the war.

Miss Freeman went to Germany to become governess in a German family. This was in January, 1914. She was received with much friendliness and consideration. When the war broke out the family still treated her with the greatest kindness and did all they could to protect her, and in every way assisted her in leaving the country, which she was able to do in October, 1914. The way in which she describes the response of the German people when war actually came is very vivid. She places above all else the hatred of everything English as the real cause of the The goal ever before them was the destruction of England. In the early days of the war the people were urged to take care of the Americans. The Germans feared for the outcome if we united with England.

war.

Public opinion was absolutely moulded by the newspapers and the newspapers were inspired from head-quarters. Every one went mad with joy because they were going to have war, but once war was declared they were filled with a desire to blame some one else for causing it.

The book gives us a splendid insight into a typical German family, with all its hospitality and kindliness, yet shows the power and the influence of the German war lords and the German war spirit. Altogether the volume may be recommended as giving one of the most accurate descriptions yet written of the real Germany during the early weeks of the war. C. E. S.

Confessions of the Czarina. By COUNT PAUL VASSILI. Harper and Brothers, Publishers, New York and London, 1918. 298 pages.

Count Vassili knew the Czarina personally and gives a vivid account of the life of the Empress of all the Russias from the time she came to the throne, a bride, until she was sent into Siberian exile. The author hopes in this way to give us a better understanding of the social conditions which caused the Russian Revolution. The Czarina was a German princess and neglected no opportunity to show sympathy for her native land. She took little or no interest in Russian politics until after the arrival of the Czarevitch.

The manner in which Rasputin worked upon the emotions of the Czarina and her son is described at great length.

However, Count Vassili begs his readers to keep always in mind the fact "that the Consort of Nicholas II was not a normal