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imagine the time may come when there will be hundreds of students in this theological seminary.

And there is a magazine conducted today in the interests of Korean Buddhism. It has been under way for something like five years. The history of the young man who edits it is rather interesting. I met him and had quite a talk with him about his religious experience. His father is a pillar of the Presbyterian Church in Seoul, one of the most successful of the missionary churches of the city. The young man himself was educated in Catholic schools in the city of Seoul; his whole education came from foreigners, and he himself now has a double employment; he is official interpreter for the Belgian consul in the city of Seoul, but he finds his pleasure and devotion in his magazine for the advancement of Korean Buddhism. Son of a Presbyterian elder, trained in Catholic schools, speaking French, Korean, Chinese and Japanese, professionally engaged at a foreign consulate, he is the editor of a magazine whose object is to revive, strengthen and carry on Korean Buddhism. He is, moreover, the author of a history of Korean Buddhism, which is not yet in print. It is, I think, the only history of the kind that has been written covering the whole period of Korean Buddhism.

I went to Tsudoji on Buddha's birthday. It is one of the great mountain monasteries of the south. They knew I was coming and I therefore found a place to sleep. When we came near it-within three or four miles—we found the crowd going up; the nearest railway station is about ten miles away. Most of the people, however, had walked from their homes. It is a mountain district and a country district, not thickly populated; there are surely only two or three towns of any size within fifteen miles. When I reached Tsudoji I found one of the liveliest scenes I ever saw in Korea. The head priest told me that 10,000 people slept on the grounds of the temple that night. The majority of them were women. Of course, that would have been true, if it had been a Presbyterian gathering. I stayed there two nights. The full day I put in there, there was a wonderful crowd of people present; there were a few

Japanese,-a teacher and one or two officials,—but apart from those, the whole crowd was Korean. I have no doubt *15,000 people were on the grounds that day. I was interested to find that one of the events of that evening was a moving-picture show, on the grounds of the temple. The life of Buddha was to be represented in moving pictures before an audience of 10,000 Koreans. That didn't look much like death! I am told that at the other head monasteries there were proportionately equal crowds.

Korean Buddhism has perhaps a political part to play. When the Japanese took over Korea, Buddhists came into the country in great numbers. The Japanese are Buddhists and many Japanese priests and temples came with the settlers. The Japanese priests and temples, however, do not fit with the Koreans. There may be thousands of them but they will not make Korean converts,-not because the Japanese are not ready to do missionary work, but because the Koreans are not ready to accept it The Korean Buddhism of today is Korean, not Japanese.

I can imagine nothing that would be more dangerous to Japanese control than a strong and vital Korean Buddhism that was hostile to Japan. On the other hand, I can think of nothing that would be a greater help to Japan than a Korean Buddhism developed among those people by their own priests and friendly to Japan. What Korean Buddhism is to be in the future depends upon its relation to the government now there. If Korean Buddhism accepts and coöperates with the Japanese control, it will become the mightiest factor that can be devised to make Japan's hold on the peninsula a success If hostile to Japan, when the crisis comes, as it surely will come, when Japan will be tried out again and once for all on Korean soil, Korean Buddhism may be the decisive element in that moment of test.


By John Stuart Thomson, author of The Chinese," "China

Revolutionized" From 1909 to 1914 I propagated in two of my books and in a number of magazines of Allied countries, a defensive Anglo-American-French naval alliance. I am now propagating the addition thereto of a Nipponese alliance, one purpose of which shall be the saving of all Asia (including the Philippines) from the German fist and submarine, whether the attack is made direct or by Bolsheviki or other agent.

From 1914, with Stephen Pichon, France's foreign minister, and Baron Sakatani, ex mayor of Tokio (now adviser to China at Peking) I have urged the prompt use of Nippon's armies on all fronts, so as to confine the war and win promptly. We had little difficulty in securing the approval of the Kensaikai (Opposition) party with 118 votes in the Diet.

I am tremendously impressed both with the value and with the warmth of this sympathy, led by Baron Kato, ex-Minister of Justice Ozaki, and ex-Premier Okuma. The latter even said that to save civilization from tyranny, Nippon would be willing to spend half a million lives on the western front or elsewhere. His exact words reported by Gregory Mason in the London Outlook are: “We should perhaps send half a million men or more, and be given 50 miles of the French front. We are willing to lose hundreds of thousands on the western front in order to strike Germany a blow of victory.”

I of course urged that the Nipponese armies should have been used in 1914-1915 to strengthen the power and promptness of Brusiloff's drives for Vienna, to meet the Italian armies.

In September, 1917, we won the Corriere della Sera of Milan which said: “There will come a time when the missed

opportunity of the aid of the Nipponese armies will be considered the worst error of the Allies. Not a single statesman among the Allies has had the timely insight to urge a straightforward bid for Nippon's armies.” Italy's Senator Ferraril said in the Messagero of Rome: “We want the Nipponese also in Macedonia.” The New York Times of February 13 and February 27, 28, 1918 said tardily (America has been the slowest to appreciate the place and importance of Nipponese aid), “Use the Nipponese armies at once in Macedonia, Palestine, Siberia and all fronts." In foreign affairs we Americans are gifted with microscopic hindsight, instead of telescopic statesmanlike foresight. Why didn't the Times say this in 1914–1915 when Brusiloff was making his successful drives?

Economically of course it would not be right that Nippon should be enriched by the war through munition-making, and not spend some of the blood cost. That is why I want the Nipponese ships which bring Australian wool and beef and Javanese sugar to the western front, to bring also some of Nippon's soldiers. Via Canada and via Nipponese ships, we could soon land at least fifteen divisions on the western front. Of the effective countries (I do not include Pacifist China, though Baron Sakatani can gather up several hundred thousand soldiers there too) Nippon is richest in warlike youths.

We were profoundly grateful when in the fall of 1917 the powerful Tokio newspapers Hochi and Nichi admitted the theory that Nippon's armies might be needed and used even in Europe. We rejoiced when in January, 1918, the Kensaikai party (118 votes) read this declaration in the Diet: “Nippon has not been sufficiently positive in her support of the Allies to date.”

Ex-Minister of Justice Ozaki (of Opposition) stood up in the Diet on January 28, 1918, and said impassionately: “I denounce the policy of the ministry to date. Nippon should more vigorously enter the war for democracy. I demand that Nippon increase the aid extended to the Allies."

Viscount Montono, foreign minister, told the Diet: “In order to secure lasting peace, we are firmly confident that Nippon must not recoil from any sacrifice she may be called upon to make.”

Viscount Kato, president of the Kensaikai party, declared in an interview in the Chugwai Shog-yo: “Nippon should lend more aid to the Allies, in order that she should always maintain intimate relations with Britain, France and America."

Russia is and will be as disorganized as China for years to come, partly because her masses cannot read. She is the China of the white race (part Tartar indeed). Russia was Germany's chief aim all along. Lenine, Trotsky and the Bolsheviki are virtually Teuton agents, by the BrestLitovsk record, and by the general belief throughout Poland. Our boys are now being killed on the Ypres and Amiens fronts by divisions, guns and ammunition released by the Bolsheviki for this purpose. Some of the guns being fired upon us, are Nipponese artillery that the Russians captured in Manchuria!

Nippon, America and the Allies must redeem Siberia and Russia by conscription for civilization; not by consent to the Bolsheviki's pacifist pro-Germanism. We must and will send Nippon in to rescue Siberia, and Baron Sakatani will see that China aids with her army. China owes us such a duty, and moreover she is one of our pledged Allies. Let us therefore recognize pro tem, under Generals Horvath and Semenof of Kharbin and Vladivostok, a rehabilitated Siberia under the aegis of Nippon, as our agent and ally.

I believe Barons Ishii and Shibusawa will, when the day of arrangement comes, agree to a fair protection and division of China's franchises, between Nippon and the Allies. “No Germans need apply.” For one thing, Nippon will not consent to such a repetition of militarism in the Far East. She well knows that Germany intrigued the Korean, China and Russian wars against Nippon.

On November 2, 1917 America (and Britain inferentially -many of Britain's treaties being secret) officially recognized an indefinite phrase: “Nippon's special interests in the Far East.” Of course this means two things: special duty to police the Far East against Germany, and proportionate

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