As regards talent, in the execution of this work, the writer would beg leave to say, that to such he disclaims all pretensions. The humble sphere in which he has moved did not probably afford any of those bright and flowery avenues to the temple of literature to which many more fortunate individuals have had access: his primary aim, through the whole, has been the acquisition of truth to lay before his readers-for this he has incessantly labored, and which he flatters himself he has so far accomplished that a candid and generous public will indulgently overlook every other imperfection; he only laments that a more competent hand had not ere, this period, taken up the subject. Niagara, April, 1832. HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR, &c. &c. CHAPTER I. Effect of the American Rebellion on the public Mind in that Country-French Intrigue with America-Power of Buonaparte-American Interposition in the Peninsular War-American Reasons for declaring WarPropriety of the Right of Search-Extract from the American Exposition of the Causes of the WarExtract from the President's Message-Concurrence of Congress by declaring War-Revocation of the British Orders in Council-Its Effect in AmericaExtract from the Prince Regent's Proclamation. THE causes from whence originated the rebellion which terminated in the separation of the British North American Colonies (now the United States,) from the mother country, had engendered such a spirit of prejudice, distrust and rancour against Great Britain, in the minds of Americans, that for either the government or the people of that country to judge impartially of any subsequent act of the British government, blindfolded as was America by French policy and French intrigue, seemed to be an exertion far beyond their power to accomplish. While, then, Great Britain was engaged in a war against a powerful usurper who was daily becoming more and more the scourge and terror of the world; when the tyranny of that despot over the surrounding nations seemed to mock all resistance; when his armies had humbled some of the greatest monarchies, and completely blotted others from the list of independent states; when a general feeling of submissive terror seemed to fill the minds of European continental rulers at the power of his arms; it becomes, then, no matter of astonishment to see, by Americans, every means of policy which Great Britain employed to ensure her own success, in that eventful war, warped and construed into acts of aggression and tyranny against neutral nations. At the head of the list of reasons assigned by the American government for declaring war against Great Britain, stood the Orders in Council regarding neutral commerce, and the right of search as claimed and practised by Great Britain upon American vessels navigating the high seas. True, indeed, Great Britain exercised that right-a privilege she never yet had yielded, nor to which her right had ever been questioned, until America had willingly chained herself to the car-wheels of Buonaparte; and then, and not till then, when the creed was faithfully taught to America by France, to answer her own political purposes, did the shouts of tyranny and commercial oppression resound from all the surrounding shores of the Atlantic. But for whom did Great Britain search, when she committed this pretended act of tyranny on America? Was it for American citizens? surely not, but for her own deserters, a description of people who, it is well known, on board of American shipping, had ever found an insecure but ready shelter. Had Great Britain once relinquished her right to search vessels of the United States, both her army and navy, by desertion alone, would have suffered materially. In a work published since the late war, under the authority of the government of the United States, entitled "An Exposition of the Causes and Character of the War with Great Britain," it is stated, that " up to March, 1811, Great Britain had impressed from the crews of American vessels, peaceably navigating the high seas, not less than six thousand mariners who claimed to be citizens of the United States, and who were denied the opportunity of verifying their claims." And in the same work it is further added, that "when war was declared, the Orders in Council had been maintained with inexorable hostility, until a thousand American vessels with their cargoes had been seized and confisca ted under the operations of these edicts " Another reason assigned, in the work above cited, for declaring war, was stated to be an open violation of the American waters and an infraction of the fundamental principles of the law of nations by the" pretended "blockade." However, to these might justly be added, together with a few considerations of minor import, the idea of an additional stripe to the national escutcheon by the Conquest of Canada. In a message from Mr. Madison, the American president, dated June 1st, 1812, recommending immediate war with Great Britain, as the only available means of satisfaction to which they could now resort, for the numerous insults and indignities which the American flag had sustained-all other causes were but as a drop in the bucket, compared with the Orders in Council, both in the extent of the injustice of the measure and in the mischief arising from them to neutral nations. It is there stated, that "these orders were evidently framed so as best to suit the political views and commercial jealousies of the British Government. The consequences which would result from them to neutral nations had never been taken into the account; or, if contemplated or foreseen as highly prejudicial, that consideration had no weight in the minds of those by whom they were imposed." |