"That is easy to answer. I am the unfortunate originator of the somersault of the Sun. Mr. Dana was one of Governor Cleveland's most cordial supporters before the election, but as soon as his staff appointments were announced he commenced to criticise and to deprecate. A Brooklyn paper intimated that Mr. Dana had been disappointed in something. Then in a fit of what struck newspaper men as little short of weakness Mr. Dana in an editorial stated that he requested the Governor to appoint Franklin Bartlett, a young lawyer, and son of Dana's former associate, W. O. Bartlett, to the position he had given to me. Mr. Bartlett was a clever young man, but he had no experience in military matters or military law. As a matter of fact the Governor never made any promise to Mr. Dana, but the break was made nevertheless, and from that time until now he has endeavored to belittle him. It is the old story. The men who cannot use Governor Cleveland are the only ones who abuse him. Governor Cleveland has the confidence and support of all people, Democrats and Republicans alike, who are in favor of pure government. He is an ideal Democrat, and can carry New York by an overwhelming majority."

CHAPTER IV.

THE ADMINISTRATION AND PRIVATE LIFE OF GOVERNOR GROVER CLEVELAND.

HIS MORAL COURAGE-HIS CLOSE ATTENTION TO DUTYEARLY AND LATE HOURS-HIS VIEWS ON CIVIL SERVICE REFORM-GOVERNOR CLEVELAND AS A BARRISTER AND PUBLIC SPEAKER-HIS STRONG CONSERVATISM, AND HIS EXEMPLARY CHARACTER-HOW HE LOOKS-ANYBODY ADMITTED AT ONCE, WHO WISHES TO SEE HIM-HE IS NOT WEALTHY, AND A BACHELOR.

THE administration of Grover Cleveland as Governor has been highly satisfactory and fully in accordance with his views expressed in his letter accepting the nomination. All the appointments

to office which he has made bear the stamp of that high, conscientious spirit which has always actuated him. His industry is beyond all question. Never has there been a man less approachable by politicians in quest of fat offices. His moral courage is great, as witness his veto of the Five-Cent Fare bill, which he treated regardless of the shower of abuse which he knew to be coming. Many of his other vetoes have been singularly objectionable to New York ward politicians. Many of the bills he has signed have had a like effect. For instance, those curtailing the emoluments of the county

clerk, of the register and of the sheriff. If he is elected President he may be expected to follow in the path of political rectitude which has always distinguished him, and he will be opposed by none but the schemers and tricksters of his party.

The same qualities and their practical illustration in the Buffalo Mayoralty led to Mr. Cleveland's nomination for Governor of the State without any seeking of his own, and the same popular confidence elicited by such qualities was displayed in the State canvass of 1882. In the office of Governor of the largest and richest State of the Union Mr. Cleveland has risen to the full measure of its requirements in administrative capacity, and has maintained-under the full pressure of partisan schemers and self-seekers-his exalted views of public duties, his integrity of action, and his unflinching independence and courage. This it is that has attracted so many eyes to him at this juncture as the fittest man for the Presidency, although he has never taken a conspicuous part in party councils, and has never been associated with official life at the capital of the Union.

Because Governor Cleveland took no active part in politics until recently, the conclusion must not be jumped at that he came into office a mere tyro. He was little accustomed to making speeches and writing letters on public questions, but when he began it was with some purpose. Appreciation of the business side of office and politics has been a

marked feature of his utterances. In his inaugural address as Mayor of Buffalo he said:

We hold the money of the people in our hands to be used for their purposes and to further their interests as members of the municipality, and it is quite apparent that when any part of the funds which the tax-payers have intrusted to us are diverted to other purposes, or when by design or neglect we allow a greater sum to be applied to any municipal purpose than is necessary, we have, to that extent, violated our duty. There surely is no difference in his duties and obligations whether a person is intrusted with the money of one man or of many, and yet it sometimes appears as though the office-holder assumes that a different rule of fidelity prevails between him and the tax-payer than that which should regulate his conduct when, as an individual, he holds the money of his neighbors. It seems to me that a successful and faithful ministration of the government of our city may be accomplished by constantly bearing in mind that we are the trustees and agents of our fellow-citizens, holding their funds in sacred trust to be expended for their benefit, that we should at all times be prepared to render an honest account to them touching the manner of its expenditure, and that the affairs of the city should be conducted as far as possible upon the same principles as a good business man manages his private concerns.

His views on civil service reform and on the dangers of bribery were thus elaborated in his letter accepting the nomination for Governor:

Subordinates in public place should be selected and retained for their efficiency, and not because they may be used to accomplish partisan ends. The people have a right to demand here, as in cases of private employment, that their money be paid to those who will render the best service in return, and that the appointment to and tenure of such places should depend upon ability and merit. If the clerks and assistants in public departments were paid the same compensation and required to do the same amount of work as those employed in prudently conducted private establishments, the anxiety to hold these public places would be much diminished and the cause of civil service reform materially aided.

The expenditure of money to influence the action of the people at the polls or to secure legislation is calculated to excite the gravest concern. When this pernicious agency is successfully employed, a representative form of government becomes a sham, and laws passed under its baleful influence cease to protect, but are made the means by which the rights of the people are sacrificed and the public treasury despoiled. It is useless and foolish to shut our eyes to the fact that this evil exists among us, and the party which leads in an honest effort to return to better and purer methods will receive the confidence of our citizens and secure their support. It is wilful blindness not to see that the people care but little for party obligations, when they are invoked to countenance and sustain fraudulent and corrupt practices. And it is well for our country and for the purification of politics that the people, at times fully roused to danger, remind their leaders that party methods should be some