It is very different, too, in the mode of warfare. All the great inventions of modern times have been turned into weapons of war. The powers of electricity and steam, of the automobile and aeroplane, of the steamship and the submarine, have been taken from peaceful pursuits for the killing of men. Science has discovered new and more powerful explosives, it has furnished suffocating gases and terrifying liquid fire. Great guns, with a range of twenty miles and firing projectiles weighing almost a ton, have been prepared. Armored automobiles-"tanks"-have been created. It is a war in which all these wonderful and useful inventions have become engines of destruction.

It is different because of the prominence of trench warfare. Old battles were fought in the open with great masses of men. To-day armies dig long defiles in the ground, with caves and alcoves and galleries like those in a mine. Every point is protected by machine guns which spit out a continuous line of bullets. For a long time it was almost impossible to reduce such trenches, but the Allies have found that by the use of enormously heavy guns and the expenditure of vast amounts of ammunition they can be rendered untenable.

It is different in the use of aeroplanes. These are used not only for bombing expeditions, but also to photograph the enemy's trenches and to determine where the great guns, five or six or ten miles in the rear, shall direct their fire. Without the aeroplane the great gun would be almost useless against the trenches.

It is different in its use of the submarine. This has changed the character of naval fighting. A battleship while not underway can protect itself against submarines, but vessels plying the high seas, and particularly cargo and passenger vessels, cannot surround themselves with nets to catch torpedoes and at the same time proceed to their destination. They must take their chances and trust that a fleet of small submarine chasers will put most of the submarines out of business. In the hands of a ruthless enemy the submarine is a dangerous weapon. It can best be outwitted by small cargo boats such as those now being built by the United States Government.

It is different in the enormous expenditures of money. The estimated expenses of all the warring nations for the first two years of the War were about fifty billions of dollars. The War expenditure for each day during this period was seventy-three millions, or enough to support the entire school system of Philadelphia for six years.

But after all the War differs most in the elaborate manufacture of munitions and implements of war. In all the countries, back of the area of warfare, blast furnaces, steel plants, ship yards and equipment factories are working night and day to furnish materials for the armies and navies. All the great modern industrial plants have been turned over into munition and equipment factories. Able-bodied men are used where absolutely necessary, but the greater number of workers are old men, women and children. These are the ones who are preparing ammunition, clothing

and equipment for their fathers and husbands on the firing line.

It is indeed a fearful thing to contemplate this highly efficient national organization existing throughout Europe, with entire nations devoting their best thought and their greatest energy to producing weapons of destruction. We can only reconcile ourselves to the fact, Bobbie, by believing that this will never have to be done again. The destruction of militarism will be followed by the disarming of the great nations and by their return to lives of peace, comfort, charity and uprightness. For this we shall all hope and pray and work.

WHAT IS PATRIOTISM?

"Our school teacher to-day asked us to define patriotism. We all said it meant love of country. Is that all there is to it, Daddy?"

Yes, Bobbie, patriotism is love of one's country. It is a strong personal attachment which is as natural as to love one's mother. Nearly everyone shows this love for the country of his birth or adoption, and the very few who do not are abhorred as traitors, to be classed with persons who have no love or respect for their parents. But be sure of this, Bobbie, that love of one's country is not simply to love a particular part of the surface of the earth. You remember our old cat, Tabby, don't you? And how when the family moved to a neighboring house she would not go with us, but persisted in staying about the old place? True patriotism is not like that stupid place attachment of a cat or a hen. Nor is true patriotism simply a reverence for the nation's flag and a respect for the national anthem, although every patriot will show such reverence and respect. True patriotism includes love of place and love of the nation's emblems, but it includes far more than this. Its real essence is love and respect and appreciation for the nation's fundamental principles and ideals-the things which the American flag stands for. I mean, Bobbie, the great liberties which you and I possess in this country and which we would like to see all peoples possess.

Among these liberties which we love as real American patriots, may be mentioned the right to self-government, the right to elect our own governors, the right to impartial justice in the courts, the right to a good education, the right to a fair opportunity to earn a decent livelihood, the right to protection from dangerous occupations, the right to protection from unscrupulous persons who would monopolize the necessities of life. These are some of the rights which, as American citizens, we enjoy, and because of them we love our country, its institutions and ideals.

But remember this, Bobbie, that anyone who accepts these American rights and tries to live up to these American ideals, is a poor patriot indeed if he is content to enjoy these things alone. He is not a true American or a true patriot unless he is anxious and willing to share these great liberties with other peoples. It is because we wanted others to enjoy similar liberties that we have protected South and Central American republics, that we freed Cuba, that

we established a representative government in the Philippines, and that we have entered this present War.

You can readily understand, Bobbie, that love of one's country is something which drives us into action, it compels us to do things for the good of our country and the furtherance of its principles. You may never know or appreciate all that your parents have done out of love for you; but you do realize that they are daily working to satisfy your needs for food, clothing, education and physical and moral well-being. You know, too, that your own love for parents and brothers and sisters leads you to many acts of kindness and helpfulness in the family.

It is much the same with the true lover of country. His patriotism will show itself continuously in honesty in the payment of taxes, in intelligence in the election of able officers, in serving on juries, in refusing to monopolize necessities of life, and even in such simple matters as promptly cleaning snow off the sidewalk.

In times of crisis patriotism may lead citizens to make great sacrifices. Your mother, Bobbie, risked her health and perhaps life, in nursing you during that serious illness last year. So when the nation needs help and assistance all citizens obey the call of duty, even, if necessary, giving life itself in order to preserve and protect the life and principles and independence of the country. I want to read you a few sentences from a book written by an Englishman for English boys and girls. Its statements apply with equal force to an American boy like yourself.

"In all your study of the War, make this your first and foremost thought, that the War is for you. It is you who will enjoy the new order of things when the War is done. Your countrymen are giving their lives for their country; it is your country, and in it you will pass your life. Our dead have died for you.

It is you who will find this world better than they found it. You will live in peace, because they died in war; you will go safe and free, because they went under discipline and into danger up to the moment of their death. You will have a good time, because they suffered. To you, who gain by their loss, and whose life is made comfortable by their lives laid down, comes the question, from countless little wooden crosses over graves in France and Belgium and Gallipoli, and from all the unmarked graves of the sea. Is it nothing to you? Why, the War is your War. You will enter into all that it achieves, and inherit all that it earns; and the miseries of it will be the making of your happiness. There are many good reasons why a man should fight for his country, but they come to this one reason, that he is fighting for the future of his country. And you are the future. We older people so soon will be gone; you will stay here, you for whom your countrymen today are in the toils of this War. You are the future, we are the past. We have lived in a world which you never saw, and you will live in a world which we shall never see.”

President Wilson, too, in his proclamation of April 15, 1917, showed how every part of our population

should do something to support the Government in the present emergency. The army and navy must be built up and made efficient; abundant food must be supplied not only for ourselves, but for the other nations in the common cause; shipyards, mines and factories must be made more productive; farmers should help by raising larger crops; middle men ought to show their patriotism by not asking unreasonable profits; railway men should make their systems more effective; miners and manufacturers should appreciate how indispensable is their help, and housewives should practice economy. "The supreme test of the nation has come. We must all speak, act and serve together."

WHAT CAN I DO?

"Daddy, when I see these men enlisting,—maybe they will be killed in battle, I am ashamed of myself for not doing anything for my country. Isn't there something I can do?”

Yes, indeed, there is much that you as a boy of fourteen can do for our country. In the first place you must make yourself understand fully what our English friend has told us so well, that this War is being fought by the United States and the Allies for the rights of the boys and girls of these countries. Keep always before you the thought that the blood of these soldiers, the struggles of these armies, the endless workings of munitions factories and the spending of untold millions of dollars are being used for the protection of your life and happiness. If you always keep this idea in mind you will find much to do for the country.

You will, I am sure, Bobbie, appreciate how necessary it is that every American boy and girl make the very best of himself. It would be pitiful indeed, if, after all this bloodshed and suffering, you, the future citizens, should be weak in body, or ignorant in mind, or vicious in morals and religion. Your first and greatest duty to-day is to take all the advantages offered in the school, the home and the church, to make of yourself a strong, intelligent and honest citizen. Do not weaken your body by smoking cigarettes, or by doing anything else which will injure your health. Do not neglect your studies, for without intelligent citizens there can be no true democracy. Do not acquire bad habits or use vile language, for these will prevent your becoming a useful citizen. Eat good, plain, wholesome food, take plenty of exercise either in games or in farm labor if you are strong enough, get plenty of sleep and be regular and punctual in your habits and school work. This is your greatest duty to-day.

Besides these things, Bobbie, you may, if you are strong enough, help your country in other ways. There is a great need of help in domestic life and upon farms and in factories. You are too young to do a man's part, and you must not weaken your body by undertaking too severe tasks. But you can help mother in the house, you can look after a small vegetable garden, or you can raise some chickens or pigs. If you help in this way about the home, the garden

or the farm, you will give your parents and elder brothers and sisters more time and strength to do their heavier work for the country. When you read the morning papers and note what terrible sacrifices have been made for you, resolve that you will do something during the day to partly pay back the debt you owe these brave men and women. And if you look at the evening papers to see what progress has been made in the War, ask yourself the question, What have I done this day to help the great cause?

You can show your patriotism, too, by avoiding all kinds of waste. Boys, and girls, too, are likely to be reckless and careless in the use of tools, household utensils, games, foods and clothing. If you are tempted to such carelessness and waste, just consider how many thousands of boys and girls in Europe have insufficient food and clothing, and remember that their parents have no money to buy games, tools and household goods. What you waste would probably keep some starving Belgian boy in sound health, protected from the cold and happy in disposition. Be careful, therefore, of your food, clothing and belongings. Just to the extent that you avoid needless waste will your parents and your country be enabled to help the other nations which are fighting for the same cause as ourselves.

When you are old enough and strong enough, Bobbie, you should join some of the organizations of boys and girls for patriotic work. It is often easier and pleasanter for anyone to work with a group of congenial patriots than to try to do everything by him

submit disputed points to the umpire. This is the hope of the American people. And this is something which you, as an American citizen, must strive earnestly and loyally to bring about. The world is looking to the United States to take the lead in the abolition of war. You must see that this ideal is preserved after it has been secured when this contest is over. As President Wilson said in his speech to Congress, on April 2, 1917, "We shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts-for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own government, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples. as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes."

Statesmen, business men, labor leaders, army generals and all thinking men are now actively engaged in trying to secure such a permanent peace for all the world.

You, Bobbie, your brothers and sisters, your boy and girl friends, and all the unknown boys and girls. in all the countries engaged in this war will live to enjoy the happiness and comfort of this universal peace. For you, boys and girls, we elders have fought and suffered and conquered.

THE LAST WAR?

"Will this be the last War, Daddy? And how will quarrels be settled after the War is over?"

Ah, Bobbie, those are questions which all the older and wiser heads are asking. Literally millions of people throughout this war-devastated world are hoping and praying every minute of the day and long into the sleepless night, that God and man will never permit such awful scenes to occur again.. The greatest minds of the world are now trying to devise plans by which nations shall be freed from the terrors of militarism.

When the military rule of Germany is overthrown, there will be, we believe, a world league of free, selfgoverning communities. Each will have its own national government based upon the will of the people, and all, we hope, will join in a league of republics to preserve the peace of the world. The commerce of the world will be free to all. When quarrels and controversies arise between nations, as they must at times, they will be settled by submission to a court of arbitration, in which the nations not involved in the quarrel will be the jurors, as in your games, Bobbie, you

Published monthly, except July and August, at 1619-1621 Ranstead Street, Philadelphia, Pa., by MCKINLEY PUBLISHING CO.

EDITED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, composed of:

PROF. HENRY JOHNSON, Teachers' College, Columbia University, Chairman.

PROF. FRED. M. FLING, University of Nebraska.

MISS ANNA B. THOMPSON, Thayer Academy, South Braintree, Mass.

PROF. FREDERIC DUNCALF, University of Texas.
PROF. O. H. WILLIAMS, University of Indiana.
DR. JAMES SULLIVAN, Director of Archives and History, New
York State Department of Education.

ALBERT E. McKINLEY, Ph.D., Managing Editor

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When the war broke out in 1914 everyone in America was astonished, and almost everyone was quite unable to understand the fundamental causes of it. Many of us were more than astonished; we were thoroughly out of patience and without immediate and deep sympathies for either side in the struggle. America had lived in isolation. Though Though our government had been to some extent drawn into the swirl of world politics, we had no deep laid scheme for exploitation of inferior races, no colonial ambitions, no determination to force our products on other nations, and no fear of neighboring governments. We did not know that we were being jealously watched and that spies recorded our temper and our frailties. We did not see that we had anything to do with a European war. Of the ever vexed Balkans we knew little or nothing, though we had heard of the "sick man of Europe," who seemed to be an unconscionable time in shuffling off this mortal coil. We had read of Hague conferences and peace societies and peace palaces, and believed that war was too absurd to be really possible between the nations of Western Europe.

With the invasion of Belgium we began to rub our eyes. We found that a region which had been known as the "cockpit" of Europe was once more to be beaten down by the tramp of alien armies. And then came the stories of atrocities in Belgium. At first we read with doubt, and only after the publication of the "Bryce Report" with the supporting documents did.

we

see the realities and believe the unbelievable. We discovered what militarism meant in its final qualities, militarism which included devastation and horrors as portions of military policy. Belgium settled our sympathies, for, we saw that the whole thing was premeditated; we realized that methods of mobilization, not to speak of strategic railroads, are not mapped out in a moment. Machtpolitik was shattered when it shocked the conscience of the world. John Bright, I believe it was, said that the only value of war is to teach geography; but this war has taught language; everybody knows what Schrecklichkeit means, and everybody knows too that it is involved in the philosophy of war when it is carried out with relentless thoroughness and with absolute disregard of the ordinary promptings of humanity.

The attempts of German propagandists, to justify the invasion, showed an astonishing inability or unwillingness to make frank use of public documentary material. Documents found in the Belgium archives showed that some years ago an English military officer and a Belgium official had consulted together as to what steps England should take in case Germany invaded Belgium. After Germany had done the very thing which England and Belgium had feared, German propagandists tried to justify her by

war.

pre

declaring that Belgium was considering means of venting it. The use made of the documents actually affronted our intelligence and added to our distrust. At that time we began to study deliberately the problem as to which nation was responsible for the It is now unnecessary to enter into the details of this question. None of the nations of Europe had been free, the world had not been free, from a species of intrusive, aggressive nationalism and from jealous rivalry in trade which made the maintenance of peace exceedingly difficult; colonial ambitions and dollar diplomacy had long daily threatened the peace of the world. This we knew; but even if no one nation was solely responsible for a condition which made the maintenance of peace difficult, we were compelled to conclude that the outbreak of hostilities was primarily chargeable to Germany; and, as we realized this, we became certain that America would hope for the defeat of the German armies. As we studied the situation it became plain that war was due either to a psychological explosion or to premeditated determination to gain territory and power by immediate action. The whole psychological condition of Germany was prepared for it; war and armies, engines of destruction, the jealous enmity ascribed to foreign nations, the loudly proclaimed perils of the Fatherland those things kept constantly in men's minds for years laid the train for the conflagration. That the Teutonic powers deliberately planned a war in 1914 is indicated by considerable evidence. Though to-day we may think this evidence not entirely final and conclusive, it doubtless had its effect on everybody acquainted with the history of the last decade. This at least appeared certain: the military authorities in Germany, directly and with amazing forethought, planned for a war which must come soon, and they were determined to win for the country a "place in the sun" and establish its power. If

authorities are convinced that a war is inevitable and approve what they confidently believe will be its outcome, are they not likely to grasp the favorable moment for beginning hostilities?

It is sometimes said that Germany intended to dominate the world. We had great difficulty in believing in the existence of such fantastic ambitions, but we came slowly to see (1) that Germany believed in the superiority of German efficiency and of German culture, and thought they must be made triumphant; (2) that at least the ruling classes had a curious incapacity to understand that political control was not necessary to the extension of influence, to permeation of thought, and even to the development of trade; (3) that these persons were determined that the world should live in awe of Germany, and if rivals threatened to prosper they must be beaten into

1

becoming humility. Although all this is probably below the truth it is so preposterous that we still have moments of doubt; and yet a person who has had unusual opportunities for knowing the situation, and has but recently returned, after some years of residence in Germany, tells us, "The Battle of the Marne not only saved the Allies-it saved Germany." That is the opinion even of a large part of the people of Germany. In the defeat at the Marne the hope of a world dominion was shattered. The lunacy of the war lords then in control was changed. Still, as we began to realize all these things, we did not yet feel that it was our business to enter the conflict, not even when we came to see that America herself was in actual danger, certainly in actual and immediate danger if Germany was not defeated by the Allies. We were loath to credit what appears to be the truth, that, to attribute to the Kaiser the offensive words of Napoleon-America was within the scope of his policy. Possibly it was shameful in us to wait and to rely on the allied powers when we began to feel that this defeat imperiled our own safety. But something more than fear was needed to force us into the fight; not until the issues were clear to the nations of the world, not until there was hope for a constructive peace, not till we heard the call of humanity, were we prepared to fling in our power and resources.

Doubtless our final entrance into the conflict was brought about by cumulative irritation at German methods and policies. Our conviction of their unworthiness grew gradually day by day. This conviction was the result of experience of having actually lived through a great crisis. Among these irritations, which opened our eyes and hardened our hearts, none was more powerful than the machinations of the German spies. We were more than irritated, we were enlightened; we discovered what Weltpolitik and Realpolitik really were; German espionage in this country helped us to grasp the nature of a principle which is essentially criminal and which, if it continues, must make decent international relationships quite impossible. And so this fact began to stand out strongly: democracy cannot survive in an atmosphere of indecent intrigue; the government at Washington was forced to conclude that we cannot act in friendliness or co-operate with a government whose ways are devious, ungenerous, purely selfish and unreliable.

It is perhaps unnecessary to speak of Zeppelin raids, poisonous gases, and deportation of men and women from the occupied portions of France and Belgium, although we have no right to forget these facts; they are natural products, once more, of militaristic doctrine. We must remember that, if war these horrors, all our efforts may well be directed against the prolongation of war and the success of

means

1 If any one disbelieves the understatement above, he ought to read "Hurrah and Hallelujah," a book largely made up of documents collected by a Dane, Professor J. P. Bang, of Copenhagen.

militarism. Civilization is actually at stake unless something can be done to establish a decent working order among the nations of the world.2

About the beginning of 1915 Admiral Tirpitz was reported to have made a statement about the use of submarines for destroying merchantmen, and about the beginning of February an effort was made to establish a war zone about the British Isles. Almost

exactly the same time England put food for Germany on the contraband list, her technical excuse being that Germany had taken government charge of all food in the empire and thus could use all of her food as a basis of war. The diplomatic controversy that arose over the questions of contraband and blockade and war zones cannot be entered upon here in any detail. It is apparent to my mind that Germany cannot excuse her attacks upon merchant vessels on the ground that she was merely retaliating against the British policy of starvation, though it is not unlikely that Britain would have attempted to use her fleet for that purpose even if Germany had not brought her submersibles into play-just as Germany starved Paris in 1870. And especially is retaliation not tolerable when it is exercised without any reference to the rights and lives of neutrals. If Great Britain broke the rules of international law or violently extended them for her purposes, there is a very marked "difference between a prize court and a torpedo." Moreover, the British despatches to this government attempting to justify her procedure are certainly able and rest in no small degree on our own acts during the Civil War.

Britain guarded and guided our trade even with neutral countries through which goods could be sent to Germany; but we could hardly be asked to do more than register complaint in the hope of reserving grounds for reparation or maintaining the technical rules of law. Did we have ground for claiming damages? Perhaps; but our trade prospered tremendously and increased greatly even with the neutral countries adjacent to Germany.3

With the sinking of the Lusitania, May, 1915,—a shameful and premeditated crime-President Wilson wrote sharply to the German government asserting that we should defend our rights upon the high seas.

2 Those that are still troubled about our entrance into the war should remember what was said by our commissioners who had been carrying on relief work in Belgium: "We wish to tell you," they said to President Wilson, "that there is no word in your historic statement that does not find a response in all our hearts. . . . Although we break with great regret our association with many German individuals, .. there is no hope for democracy or liberalism unless the system which brought the world into this unfathomable misery can be stamped out once for all."

3 While, in my judgment, Britain in some respects broke away from the restraints of international law or unduly extended precedents that appeared to justify her, the question is by no means an easy one, and I have heard an able international lawyer say that, if the subject were submitted to an impartial tribunal, he would be by no means certain of a decision in our behalf.