can see

We emerged from the war a World Power, with colonial possessions across the Pacific. To many if not most Americans this transition from the Western to the Eastern Hemisphere was surprising and even unwelcome. The man on the street did not know whether a Filipino was a tropical fruit or a new fivecent cigar. As we look back, however, we that American interest in the Pacific Ocean and beyond was inevitable. The growth of our commerce and the knitting together of East and West by a thousand strands of increasingly intimate intercourse of all kinds meant that whether we liked it or not, we had to take an interest and a part in affairs beyond this hemisphere. Renouncing Imperialism and granting independence to the Filipinos would not materially alter the situation. We should continue to be morally responsible for protecting them, and besides, they constitute only one aspect of our interest in world affairs.

Not only have the geographic considerations of Monroe's day been modified by the development of rapid means of communication, but the political distinctions between the Western Hemisphere and the

rest of the world have been largely obliterated. Many

66

of the South American Republics" turned out, in spite of nominally republican institutions, to be disorderly despotisms. On the other hand, England and France have become democracies, quite as liberal as ourselves, and the remaining countries of Europe are now more or less limited constitutional monarchies. This does not mean that we must abandon the Monroe Doctrine. Because we have acquired an interest in world affairs or because part of Europe has become liberal, it does not follow that we need allow the rest of the world to interfere unduly in western affairs. Nor are we less anxious than ever to keep out of purely European matters.

But what has all this to do with Germany and our pårt in the world war? It means that the United States is now a world power, in the sense that it has important and legitimate interests in every part of the world. It means that the nations of the world are so bound together that a war is no longer a local disaster but a world calamity. It means that the stopping of war is not the right and the duty of some nations but of all nations. Nations no longer live in sound-proof and water-tight compartments. many's contention that the quarrel between Austria and Servia was a purely local matter was a tragic absurdity.

Ger

Let me remind you that Washington never supposed that we could or should avoid all participation in European wars. We were not to be dragged in against our will by entangling alliances. But we were to be free, he said, to choose peace or war as our interest guided by justice, should counsel. Our interests, our sense of justice: surely we are not wrong in thinking that they required our choice of

war.

we are vitally concerned in making the world safe for democracy.

We look forward to some sort of league to enforce peace after the present struggle. There is now a league to enforce peace, and its leading members have been England, France, and Russia. And what are they fighting for? What but the principles on which our own government is founded, the right of each people to a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. The right of each nation to go its way in peace, without fearing the fate of Belgium and Serbia, or that of the passengers of the Lusitania. Where should we stand but shoulder to shoulder with those who are daily giving their lives that popular government shall not perish from the earth? And against us is what? Prussian militarism. John Hay, who knew German diplomacy at first hand, said it was "always brutal, but seldom silly;" and again, “Germany is acting badly-and cannot help bullying and swaggering. It is their nature. Wherever we have crossed their path-in Samoa, in the Philippines in 1898, in the Venezuela matter, at

"

Algeciras, Germany has bullied and swaggered. Hand in hand with Prussia are the German and Magyar groups of Austria-Hungary whose power is founded on the oppression of Slavic groups within their borders, dragging in their train misguided Bulgaria, and the unspeakable Turk, his hands reeking with the blood of half a million Armenians, butchered without a word of reproof from the War Lords of Berlin. What are we fighting for? Not to obliterate Germany: not to force democracy upon Germany-that would be resorting to Germany's own tactics. If the Germans want an autocracy, for themselves, let them have it. But we must demonstrate to Germany, by the only type of argument which seems to appeal to her, that she cannot and shall not impose her will and her Kultur on the rest of the world. I hope and believe that when the German people realize the tragic blunders of their leaders they will take the matter of reform into their own hands. Meantime, the one way to make Germany a tolerable member of the community of nations is to pound home the elementary lessons that the way of the transgressor is hard and that honesty is the best policy. This is a World War; we are a World Power; and we cannot honorably shirk the task of helping to forge a new World organization.

The following list of books makes, of course, no pretension to be a systematic or comprehensive bibliography of recent European history. It is merely a selection of a few titles made in the hope that they may be useful to some as an introduction to a subject which has become of immediate and deep concern to all Americans. It will henceforth be incumbent upon all who take their citizenship seriously to seek to be informed in regard to European problems and conditions. The importance of as extensive a knowledge of modern European history as possible for every citizen is obvious and needs no argument.

On the general background of the nineteenth century there are several works adapted to various needs:

Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., "The Development of Modern Europe,” Vol. II.

Hayes, Carlton J. H., "A Political and Social History of Modern Europe," Vol. II.

Hazen, Charles D., "Europe Since 1815."

Hazen, Charles D., "Modern European History."

Kirkpatrick, F. A., “Lectures on the History of the Nineteenth Century."

Rose, J. H., "The Development of European Nations, 1870-1914."

Fyffe, C. A., "History of Modern Europe."

The first four of these volumes contain bibliographical references opening up the general field quite extensively. Moreover such is the paucity of material in English on several of the smaller countries, like the Balkan States, that the accounts given in these books will probably be found to be the most serviceable.

ON GERMANY:

Henderson, E. F., "A Short History of Germany," latest edition, Vol. II.

Schevill, Ferdinand, “The Making of Modern Germany.” Marriott, J. A. R., and Robertson, C. G., "The Evolution of Prussia."

Priest, G. M., "Germany Since 1740."

Smith, Munro, “Bismarck and German History."
Headlam, J. W., "Bismarck."

Dawson, W. H., "Evolution of Modern Germany."

Fife, R. H., "The German Empire between Two Wars."
Tower, C., "Germany of To-day."
Schmitt, B., "England and Germany."

ON GREAT BRITAIN:

Oman, C. M., "England in the Nineteenth Century." Slater, G., "The Making of Modern England." Marriott, J. A. R., "England Since Waterloo." Bright, J. F., “History of England,” Vols. IV and V. Gretton, R. H., "A Modern History of the English People."

Lee, Sidney, “Queen Victoria; a Biography."

Moran, T. F., "The Theory and Practice of the English Government."

Hayes, Carlton J. H., "British Social Politics."
Dubois, L. P., "Contemporary Ireland."

Ashley, W. J., "British Dominions; their Present Commercial and Industrial Condition."

Pollard, A. F., "The British Empire; its Past, its Present and its Future."

ON RUSSIA:

Skrine, F. H., "Expansion of Russia."

Bariny, M., "The Russian People."

Kennan, George, "Siberia and the Exile System."

Milyoukov, Paul, "Russia and Its Crisis."

Pares, B., "Russia and Reform."

Vinogradoff, Paul, "Self-Government in Russia."

Wiener, L., “An Interpretation of the Russian People." Wallace, D. M., “Russia.”

Orris, "Brief History of Poland."

Phillips, W. A., “Poland.”

ON ITALY:

Marriott, J. A. R., "Makers of Modern Italy."
Cesaresco, Evelyn M., "Cavour."

Holland, R. S., "Builders of United Italy."

King, Bolton, and Okey, Thomas, " Italy To-day."
Underwood, F. M., "United Italy."
Thayer, W. R., "Italica."

ON AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:

Steed, H. W., "The Hapsburg Monarchy."
Whitman, S., "The Realm of the Hapsburgs."
Rumbold, H., "Francis Joseph and His Times."
Mahaffy, R. P., "Francis Joseph I, His Life and Times."
Seton-Watson, R. W., "Corruption and Reform in Hun-

gary."

Seton-Watson, R. W., "Racial Problems in Hungary." Seton-Watson, R. W., "Southern Slav Questions and the Hapsburg Monarchy."

Seton-Watson, R. W., "The Future of Austria-Hun

ON THE BALKAN STATES:

Miller, William, "The Balkans: Roumania, Bulgaria, Servia and Montenegro."

Miller, William, "The Ottoman Empire, 1801-1913." Forbes, Nevill, and others, "The Balkans: A History of Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, Roumania and Turkey."

Curtis, W. G., "The Turk and His Lost Provinces."
Schurman, J. G., "The Balkan Wars."

Seton-Watson, R. W., "The Southern Slav Question and the Hapsburg Monarchy."

ON THE CAUSES OF THE EUROPEAN WAR:

Gibbons, H. A., "The New Map of Europe."
Gibbons, H. A., "The New Map of Africa."

Seymour, Charles, "The Diplomatic Background of the War."

Only works in English have been listed.

No attempt has been made to include articles in periodicals, though it might be well to call attention to the numerous articles of outstanding merit in such magazines as the "Atlantic Monthly," the "World's Work," the 66 Inter"American Journal of International Law," the national Journal of Ethics," the "Hibbert Journal," the "Yale Review," and the "New Republic."

Pamphlet literature has also been omitted, though mention might be made of such collections as the "Oxford Pamphlets," "International Conciliation," and the publications of the World's Peace Foundation.

Documentary publications have not been enumerated, but it may be noted that the "American Journal of International Law," "International Conciliation," and the publications of the Carnegie Endowment for Peace furnish in handy form the more important documents.

Narratives of the war, general and personal, have been omitted, though reference may be permitted to the "Current History," issued by the New York" Times," the London "Times' History of the War," and H. Belloc's "Elements of the Great War," two volumes, Hearst, 1915, and G. H. Allen's "Great War," three volumes, Barrie, 1915-16. The Background of the War.

C. Seymour, "The Diplomatic Background of the War, 1870-1914." Yale University Press, 1916. Pp. xv, 311. $2.00.

H. A. Gibbons, "The New Map of Europe, 1911-1914, the Story of the Recent European Diplomatic Crises and Wars and of Europe's Present Catastrophe." Century, 1914. Pp. xi, 412. $2.00.

Y. Guyot, tr. by F. A. Holt, "The Causes and Consequences of the War." Brentano, 1916. Pp. xxxvi, 360. $3.00. (Excellent, comprehensive statement by great French economist.)

A. Bullard, "The Diplomacy of the Great War." Macmillan, 1916. Pp. xii, 344. $1.50. (Includes chapters on United States and Europe.)

The Diplomatic Rupture.

J. W. Headlam, "The History of Twelve Days, July 24 to August 4, 1914, being an Account of the Negotiations Preceding the Outbreak of the War Based on the Official Publications." Scribner, 1915. Pp. xxiv, 412. $3.00. (English.)

E. C. Stowell, "The Diplomacy of the War of 1914, the Beginnings of the War." Houghton, 1915. Pp. xvii, 728. $5.00. (American.)

J. M. Beck, "The Evidence in the Case in the Supreme Court of Civilization as to the Moral Responsibilities for the War." Putnam, 1914. Pp. 200. $1.00. (American lawyer.)

E. J. Dillon, "From the Triple to the Quadruple Alliance,* Why Italy Went to War." Doran, 1915. Pp. xii, 242. $1.50. (By eminent English authority on international relations.)

Great Britain and the War.

B. E. Schmitt, "England and Germany, 1740-1914." Princeton University Press, 1916. Pp. 524. $2.00. (Topics historically viewed, anti-German.)

E. Hovelaque, "The Deeper Causes of the War." Dutton, 1916. Pp. 158. $1.25. (French view of Germany and its relations with England.)

F. S. Oliver," Ordeal by Battle." Macmillan, 1915. Pp. li, 437. $1.50. (Contrasts German and British policies; chapters on democracy and national service.)

D. Lloyd George, "Through Terror to Triumph, Speeches and Pronouncements Since the Beginning of the War." Doran, 1915. Pp. xii, 187. $1.00.

Germany.

G. M. Priest, "Germany Since 1740." Ginn, 1914. Pp. xvi, 199. $1.25.

R. H. Fife, Jr., "The German Empire between Two Wars, a Study of the Political and Social Development of the Nation between 1871 and 1914." Macmillan, 1916. Pp. xiv, 400. $1.50. (Admirable, dispassionate account of problems and conditions.)

Prince von Bülow, tr. by M. A. Lewenz, "Imperial Germany." Dodd, 1914. Pp. 342. $3.00. Popular edition, $1.50. (Published by the former Chancellor on the Kaiser's twenty-fifth anniversary.)

A German, "I Accuse! Doran, 1915. Pp. 445. (Social Democratic point of view.)

W. W. Whitelock (tr.), "Modern Germany in Relation to the Great War, by Various German Writers." Kennerley, 1916. Pp. 628. $2.00. (Translation of Deutschland und der Weltkrieg, by eminent German scholars and publicists.)

S. K. Hornbeck, "Contemporary Politics in the Far East." Appleton, 1916. Pp. xii, 466. $3.00.

Policies of the United States.

A. C. Coolidge, "The United States as a World Power." Macmillan, 1908. Pp. 385.

A. B. Hart, "The Monroe Doctrine, an Interpretation." Little, Brown, 1916. Pp. xiv, 445. $1.75.

P. M. Brown, "International Realities." Scribner, 1917. Pp. xvi, 233. $1.40.

Norman Angell, "The World's Highway, Some Notes on America's Relation to Sea Power and Non-Military Sanctions for the Law of Nations." Doran, 1915. Pp. xvi, 361. $1.50.

Norman Angell, "America and the New World-State, a Plea for American Leadership in International Organization." Putnam, 1915. Pp. x, 305. $1.25.

66

S. Pérez Triana, Some Aspects of the War." London, Unwin, 1915. Pp. 225. (An Argentine jurist on LatinAmerica, the United States and the War.)

The United States and the War.

T. Roosevelt, "America and the World War." Scribner, 1915. Pp. xv, 277. 75 cents.

H. Münsterberg, "The War and America." Appleton, 1914. Pp. 210. $1.00.

J. M. Beck, "The War and Humanity, a Further Discussion of the Ethics of the World War and the Attitude and Duty of the United States." Putnam, 1916. Pp. 322. $1.50.

"Sixty American Opinions on the War." London, Unwin, 1915. Pp. 165. (Collection of expressions by leading Americans.)

Nationality and Its Problems.

J. H. Rose, "Nationality in Modern History." Macmillan, 1916. Pp. xi, 202. $1.25.

A. J. Toynbee, "Nationality and the War." Dutton, 1915. Pp. xii, 522. $2.50. (Excellent study of several problems of nationality.)

R. W. Seton-Watson, and others, "The War and Democracy." Macmillan, 1915. Pp. xiv, 390. 80 cents. (One of the best discussions of problems of the war.)

S. Low, ed., "The Spirit of the Allied Nations, King's College Lectures in Imperial Studies." Macmillan, 1915. Pp. 214. $1.00. (Different lecturers for the several nations.)

J. McCabe, "The Soul of Europe, a Character Study of the Militant Nations." Dodd, 1915. Pp. 407. $3.00.

Results of the War, the Problems of Making Peace.

G. H. Blakeslee, ed., "The Problems and Lessons of the War." Clark University addresses, December 16, 17 and 18, 1915. Putnam, 1916. Pp. xlvi, 381. $2.00. Problems of Readjustment After the War." Appleton, 1915. Pp. 186. $1.00. (Articles by several leading American scholars.)

The Committee on the Training of Secondary School Teachers of History of the Association of History Teachers of the Middle States and Maryland has performed a service for the profession by gathering together a number of recent articles, and issuing them in pamphlet form under the heading "The Teacher of History in the Secondary Schools." The pamphlet, copies of which can be obtained from Dr. Livingston Rowe Schuyler, City College of New York, presents first a study of the need for better trained history teachers and the salary inducements offered in different parts of the country. This is followed by a paper by Prof. Edgar Dawson on "The Preparation of the High School Teacher of History; by reports upon "The Certification of High School Teachers of History," by committees of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association; a paper on "The Preparation of the High School History Teacher," by H. W. Edwards; and by brief descriptions of the methods pursued in preparing history teachers in the College of the City of New York, Teachers' College of Columbia University and Hunter College, New York City. The committee, under whose auspices the pamphlet was issued, is composed of Dr. William Fairley, Commercial High School, Brooklyn, chairman; Dr. Herman V. Ames, Dr. J. Montgomery Gambrill, Dr. D. C. Knowlton, Principal W. D. Lewis, Prof. W. S. Myers, Prof. J. M. Vincent, Mr. William Tappen, and Dr. E. W. Lyttle.

As a result of a conference of history men which met, at the end of April, upon invitation of the Department of Historical Research of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, a National Board for Historical Service has been formed in Washington, with headquarters in the Woodward Building. The Board as at present constituted is composed of some nine members, who have been working during the past month upon problems which are of interest to all students and teachers of history. It is a voluntary and unofficial organization, formed in the hope that through it the store of competence and patriotic good-will possessed by those whose chief work is to study or teach history, instead of running in part to waste or even lying untouched, may eventually be drawn upon to meet the needs of the public or of the government.

A preliminary survey of the situation has already made it clear to this Board that the historians of the country have, in their own fields, a most important work to perform, a work of immediate urgency, which, if not taken up by them at once, will not likely be done at all.

In the first place, it practically depends upon them whether certain kinds of records and historical material dealing with the war shall be preserved or not. Unless they direct their attention upon securing the co-operation of their colleges and universities with libraries, local societies, and other possible agencies for the collection of historical and social data, especially for their own communities, there is grave danger that the essential elements in the vast and intricate social change induced by the war will not be registered for the purposes of history. In most cases little more is needed than the stimulation of definite suggestions to librarians or the officers of historical societies, but even under the most favorable local circumstances there is likely to be a real opportunity for the historian to co-operate in new and effective ways. The exact problems will differ in different localities, but in general there will be two main questions demanding a certain amount of specialized training for their solution: in the first place the scope of the material, the extent to which fugitive pieces, miscellaneous papers and more or less commonplace sources should be preserved; in the second place the question of classification by which this miscellany can be made available for current reference or future historical research.

The offer by teachers of history of such co-operation is not only a pressing duty in the interests of historical science, but one of the most important services which can be rendered to the nation. In a time like this historians are likely to feel that the issues with which they deal are too remote to justify them

to engage upon work for which their specialized training has fitted them. But in taking the initiative in this distinctly historical task-one which will not generally be accomplished unless they do take the initiative-they can both render accessible for immediate reference data upon which sound public opinion should be based, and also they may be able to stimulate and maintain a more intelligent public interest in the war itself, through the very act of collecting the materials concerning it.

In addition to the work of collecting, preserving, and making accessible the records and source-material for the history of this country during the war, there is also a demand upon teachers and students of history to aid more directly in the determination of historical outlook by writing articles, pamphlets, or books on topics connected with the war. In this field as well as in that of library and archival work a new opportunity is presented for original production. There is need of special informatory articles for the popular press by those who have access to its columns and to some extent of comment on news-items. general, however, this journalistic activity should not be regarded as the chief literary field of students of history, since unless they are already familiar with the particular requirements of popular journalism, they may find their work rendered somewhat ineffective in the medium. The may, however, very often seek the co-operation of editors and stimulate the journalists themselves to accomplish the desired result.

In

The chief magazines and reviews on the other hand will offer a field more suited to the historical student. There promises to be an opportunity for placing historical articles of a more serious sort and it is to be hoped that this opportunity will be embraced to the full. The same seems to be true, though to a less extent, of the book trade. There is a new demand upon the part of the reading public to which book publishers are eager to adjust their output and they are ready to receive suggestions, and when not able to put them into effect may at least furnish advice as to possible ways of so doing.

Upon the whole, it should be emphasized that in the opinion of the Board, historians can continue to serve the country best at this time, as in the past, as historians. The crisis has offered them new opportunities for this service; it calls from them a certain amount of initiative; it opens up the possibility of larger influence in the determination of opinions by an insistence upon the consideration of fact; and it places before all teachers of history the obligation to contribute to the educational adjustment now in progress in this country some stimulation toward a scientific spirit in dealing with social and political data.