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making a living. School authorities sometimes act in making vocational courses as if the sole aim of education were to make a living. It sometimes appears that they almost forget that there are large social responsibilities for the individual as well as private interests. I maintain that any educational system that is supported by public taxation should of necessity include a thorough training in citizenship. Of all students, the ones whose formal education is to end with the high school, the ones therefore in our vocational courses, should have thorough training to make them good citizens as well as good stenographers or good mechanics. History and civics, if properly taught, offer that training, and should by all means be included and given sufficient time to get something like adequate results. Like telling a student to be historical-minded you can tell him in a short time to be a good citizen. But good citizenship is a habit the same as historical-mindedness is a habit, and it takes time to instill any habit that is really worth while. A short history course could do little along this line. Then, again, history instruction should give a knowledge of many books and how to use books and libraries. Next to knowing the thing itself, the most valuable thing is to know where and how the information may be found, and to have the ability and interest to do the thing in a proper way. Here, again, it is habit and one that a short course could do little with, because in a short course text-book work is about all that can be done because of a lack of time. Another thing that a good high school history course should do is, not only to acquaint the student as to how the world of to-day came to be what it is, but also to acquaint him with what the world of today is. This cannot be done from the regular text, no matter how good it is, for the simple reason that events of importance do not cease happening when the text-book goes to press. And frequently the authors of good text-books are negligent in keeping the book revised up to date. A study of recent and current history must come from outside the text, and, if the length of the course permit it, it is possible to use one of several good weekly or monthly magazines in connection with the history work. A magazine like the “Literary Digest" or “Independent " may be had for school use at five cents a copy. Pupils should be encouraged to thus subscribe for such a magazine, if one is not already in the home, and one period a week or part of one period a week should be given for this work. With such work running over two years or more of high school a student will not only acquire something of a knowledge of present-day problems, but what is probably more valuabe, he will have been trained to some extent at least in the selection of the more valuable things in magazine and newspaper, and how to get at and select and use the more valuable things. This habit is invaluable to the citizen, but, like other good habits, it takes time to adequately develop it. Probably as valuable a thing as a history course can give is one that has been suggested at different times in this paper, viz.: a permanent interest in history

and in things historical. We must not forget that our product is an unfinished product upon graduation from the high school, and that a necessary part of his equipment must be the means and the desire for the acquisition of further knowledge. It is not to be hoped or expected, of course, that all of our students will be interested as much in history as we are. But it is our business as history teachers to leave with our students an abiding interest in the subject. Nor does this mean that the requirement of thoroughness in the mastery of the tasks set shall be sacrificed. Easy and interesting are not synonymous in school work. While thoroughness is not to be neglected, it is essential that such a degree of interest be stimulated that after the high school graduate may have become a good stenographer or a good mechanic he will likewise be a good citizen and interested in good citizenship, and how it came to be what it is and whither

- it is tending. Above all, our history courses should

not permit a student to feel that he knows it all—that all history is within the covers of his text-book, and, having fairly mastered that, he has learned all there is to learn about the subject. Last winter in talking with one of my best students in English history, I was considerably jarred when he remarked that he did not think it necessary for him to take the course in senior American history because, as he said, he had learned all of that in the eighth grade.

We might go on and mention other valuable aims of history instruction, but enough has been said to make clear my main contention that history has values which are eminently worth while, but which require adequate time for development. What we need to do as history teachers is not so much to help construct a short course in history to fit into somebody's scheme for making good stenographers and good mechanics, but to be fully convinced among ourselves that we have something to offer in the training of future citizens which is fully as valuable and probably more vital in the life of the republic than the mere ability to make an honest living. Is it to be wondered at if our citizens care more for the almighty dollar than they do for the finer ideals of citizenship if our public schools emphasize vocational training and neglect training in citizenship? We should, therefore, first of all realize fully our mission. And when we have the full realization of our opportunity and responsibility it becomes us to fight to convince others, especially the makers of our courses of study, that what we have to offer is worth three or four years' work in the life of every boy and girl, and especially those whose formal education must end with the high school. As a minimum requirement, all students should take American history and civics. They will give us a hearing if we can show them that we ourselves know what we want to do and can do it. The word “Americanism,” that we hear so much about to-day, is full of opportunity and responsibility for the history teacher. Unhappy events which have happened in our country in the last two years have indicated that we have not Americanized all the elements of our population to the extent to which we thought we had. The public schools have been looked upon as the great melting pot in which the children of all the elements of our population meet upon a democratic basis with equal privilege and opportunity, and are fused into a common American citizenship. The public schools have done a great work in this line, but they have not yet succeeded as perfectly as it is possible for them to do. Many students drop out of school, of course, before completing the high school course, but an increasing number is remaining in school. In many high schools, however, American history is not even offered, and in comparatively few is American history and civics required for graduation. We history teachers of the country have collectively a unique opportunity to make Americanism mean something more definite in the life of this nation in the future, particularly if school authorities will make American history and civics a requirement for graduation from the high school. misinterpret facts in order to make it appear that America and our forefathers were always right whether they were or not. In this respect history has but one purpose, and that is to establish truth. The American citizen must not be made vainglorious, he must not overestimate our importance as a nation, he must not be permitted to feel that America is the only nation that has worked out or will work out great social and economic problems which will benefit mankind. He must not be permitted to feel that our government, good as it is and proud of it as we justly are, is necessarily the last word in political science, and that we have nothing to learn from, but everything to teach to other nations. In this respect, I say, history has but one purpose, and that is to establish truth. The task is enormous, but the sense of even a partial achievement will be worth the effort it will take. To instill the proper ideals of Americanism and good citizenship we must first of all get all the students into our American history and civics classes. Then we must have them long enough to instill the habits and ideals which it is our aim to instill. Let us but convince the makers of our courses of studv of the full value of the thing we have to offer, and then “deliver the goods" whenever and wherever we have the opportunity, and they will be as willing to extend the time of required work in history as they are now sometimes willing to shorten the history course. A longer time of required work in history from all students, rather than a shorter course, should be our

watchword.

Yves Guyot's article on “The Dissolution of the German Empire" in the “English Review,” is a vigorous appeal for the continuance of the war until this dissolution is accomplished. He urges this on the ground that the victory of the Allies must be the liberation of Europe from German

dominance.

Helen Dunstan Wright’s “Little Known Sardinia" in the “National Geographic Magazine” for August, contains many interesting illustrations, and gives a good picture of social conditions.

I do not mean by this that we should :

Reports from The Historical Field

A symposium on “Military Training for School Boys,” giving the opinion of eighty persons upon this question, has been published by the Peace Committee of the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of Friends (304 Arch Street, Philadelphia).

A committee of the National Education Association has prepared a study upon “Vocational Secondary Education,” which appears as Bulletin No. 21 for the year 1916 of the United States Bureau of Education. The pamphlet contains a sketch of the history and development of vocational secondary schools, and then gives a number of general definitions and illustrative examples of vocational secondary school work. Ways are suggested for introducing vocational education and methods suggested for organizing the school work and gathering data about industry and industrial workers. The problems in connection with vocational education and vocational guidance are treated, and a brief appendix gives the location of the several States covering this form of education.

“The Catholic Historical Review " for January, 1917, contains a study by the Right Rev. J. F. R. Canevin upon “Loss and Gain in the Catholic Church in the United States, 1800 to 1916.” Dr. Waldo G. Leland gives an account of the Catholic Historical Societies in America, and outlines the fields of profitable work which such societies might undertake. The Rev. V. F. O'Daniel treats of the “First Bishop to Visit the Present Territory of the United States,” and Dr. Joseph Magri discusses the “Catholic Church in Virginia from 1850 to 1872.”

Miss Caroline Hill Davis has prepared for the Library School of the New York Public Library a “List of References on Pageants in Great Britain and the United States’ (New York Public Library, 15 cents). The pamphlet is the most extensive bibliography of pageantry which has thus far appeared. It is divided into General Works, Shakespearean Festivals, and Pageants, Pageants in Great Britain and Canada, Pageants in the United States, and Works on Pageant Costume. In the list of General Bibliographies of Pageantry, reference should have been made to the History TEACHER's MAGAZINE, Volume 6, pages 279 to 281.

The Historical Society of East and West Baton Rouge, La., celebrated the one hundredth anniversary of the incorporation of the City of Baton Rouge on Tuesday, January 16. The outdoor exercises were interfered with on account of the very inclement weather. At the indoor meetings papers were presented showing the development of the city, and in the evening a series of historical tableaux were given marking the principal events in the history of the city.

“Suggested Readings for History Classes, 1916-17 ° is the title of a recent pamphlet issued by the New York State Department of Education, and prepared by Avery W. Skinner, specialist in history of the department. The selection is made to fit the needs of secondary school pupils, but works are also included which may be of value to the general reader. The readings are listed under Ancient History, the History of Great Britain and Ireland, Modern History, and American History.

BOOK REVIEWS

EDITED BY PROFESSOR WAYLAND J. CHASE, UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN.

MALLET, CHRISTIAN. Impressions and Experiences of a French Trooper, 1914-1915. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co. Pp. 167. $1.00, net. Among the many narratives of personal experiences during the first year of the war published thus far, this book will rank very favorably. It is the story of the writer's personal experiences as private in a dragoon regiment in the early months of the war, and later as an infantry officer in one of the earlier offensives against the German intrenchments. He tells how his regiment marched from Rheims to Liege at first, and then of their heart-breaking retreat. A very thrilling experience was being surrounded in a forest behind the German lines, and then escaping as a result of the victory of the Marne. The whole account is written in most excellent simple English. It is without affectation or attempts at self-glorification, and shows more clearly than any mere exposition what confusion and agony had to be endured during the first months before the French army “found itself.” High school pupils will undoubtedly enjoy this book. CLARENCE PERKINs.

Ohio State University.

SMITH, G. BURRELL. Outlines of European History, 18141914. New York: Longmans, Green & Co. London: Edward Arnold, 1916. Pp. 262. 76 cents.

This book was written by an Englishman for the use of teachers in England. It has a introductory chapter on the Congress of Vienna, and brings the narrative down to the outbreak of the present European war. The author says in his preface that he “has tried to keep before himself the need for simplicity, and has especially attempted to avoid overburdening the narrative with references to unessential persons, places and events.” He has succeeded well in his attempt. The book is readable, and is within the range of high school students. The author “makes no claim to throw new light upon any part of the subject, but has been content to express the accepted view wherever he has been able to ascertain it.”

The book in two respects differs slightly from the usual accounts, and both would be expected from an English author at the present time. The account of the history of Belgium is fuller than most of our accounts in high school reference books, and shows the relation of England to the neutrality of Belgium. It also shows the underlying forces which led to England's participation in the present war. While it might be said to be the statement of an interested party to the controversy, it nevertheless seems to be a fair statement of the issues from the English viewpoint.

The book has been published in America probably with a view of being used as collateral reading in high schools, and it would be well adapted for that purpose.

WILSON. P. SHORTRIDGE. North High School, Minneapolis.

HAworth, PAUL LELAND. America in Ferment. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1915. Pp. 477. $1.50, net.

In a breezy, journalistic fashion, Dr. Haworth discusses in this volume many of the political, economic, and social problems of the day. An idea of the content of the book can be gained from the following chapter headings: “The Color Line,” “The Blood of the Nation,” “The Problem of Industrial Peace,” “How Can We Raise the Standard of

Living,” “The Revolt of the Women,” “Socialism in America.”

The author strongly favors highly restricting immigration. “Our ancestors made a grave mistake in importing the negro–to develop the country!—and we ought to consider whether we are not making an even greater one in permitting the influx of swarms whose ways are not our ways and whose blood is not our blood” (p. 113). No general improvement in our standard of living, or in our wagescale, can take place “if we continue our present policy of practically unrestricted immigration " (p. 273). “The shaft with which to pierce the Achilles heel of Plutocracy" is the generous extension of the inheritance tax. The author believes heartily in woman suffrage, deeming its complete victory a matter of short time. Though friendly to socialism, he thinks the day far distant when it will be put into full operation. He strongly endorses the initiative and referendum, the recall, primary election laws, the short ballot, and the commission form of government for cities.

Naturally in such a survey there is much that is controversial. Some old-fashioned folk (among them the reviewer) still believe the prime function of the church is and ought to be the administering to man's religious needs, not “the grappling with the living social and economic problems of the day.” The picture of rural life in the Middle West is painted in too dark colors. Historians are no longer willing to accept the implication of the text that Douglas' motive in launching the Kansas-Nebraska bill was nothing more than “a bold personal bid for southern support in the next Presidential campaign" (p. 369). Montesquieu does not deserve all the credit, or discredit, for the “separation of powers” in our system of government (p. 279).

Dr. Haworth has quoted generously from various sources, and, while liberal with quotation marks, has frequently considered footnote citations superfluous. The book contains a useful, though brief, bibliography.

HowARD C. HILL.

Milwaukee State Normal School.

REED, Thom As HARRison. Form and Functions of American Government. Yonkers-on-Hudson: World Book Co., 1916. Pp. xv, 549. $1.50

This is a text-book in civil government, “intended,” as the author tells us, “primarily for that great majority of high school pupils who go no further on the road of formal education, and aims to deal with the principles of governmental organization and activity in such a way as to be a suitable basis for the most thorough high school course in preparation for citizenship.”

School text-books in government may follow either of two tendencies. They may be meant to aid the teacher by selecting the material which is best for the average pupil in the average school and by stating this so briefly that all of it may be thoroughly covered in the time commonly at the disposal of classes in this subject. Such books are too rare, and the teachers who need such books are numbered by the tens of thousands. The other tendency is to supply a much fuller book with more material than any one class is likely to use, and leave it to the teacher to select what is to be given to any particular class. This latter is probably the better method for the well trained teacher who is not over-worked, and this is the method followed by the present author. The result is an admirable book, scholarly, well proportioned, well printed, and generally complete.

Its introduction is a brief answer to the question, “Why do we study government.” The body of the book is divided into six major sections bearing the following captions: The background of American government with 50 pages, parties American concessionaires, supported by powerful influences, make loud appeal to the United States Government in similar cases for similar action.” The chapter dealing with the subject of intervention in Mexico is of particular interest at this time. The economic and political antecedents of the question are examined as well as the “present dilemma.” Mr. Hodges maintains that our policy toward Mexico cannot be influenced by the same principles which guide our international relations with European nations. The peculiar nature of the Mexicans must be considered in our efforts to mould their political destinies. From the earliest occupation of the country the land has been held in enormous tracts by a few individuals. “The common people came to be considered a part of the land they occupied.” “A land aristocracy was built up in close relation to the central powers.” Another economic factor which profoundly affects the Mexican problem arises from the practise of granting to foreigners concessions which cover “all conceivable fields of economic endeavor.” The conflicts which arise among the concessionaires furnish the occasion for foreign intervention. “The influence of the losing interests is at the disposal of any faction strong enough to undertake a formidable opposition to the existing order.” The invasion of foreign interests arouses discontent and suspicion in the ignorant poor class. The fact that Mexico is rich and the Mexicans poor makes foreign aid necessary for internal development. The railroads, mines, oil, and public utilities are chiefly the property of foreigners. American capital invested in Mexico to the amount of $1,000,000,000, and Americans resident there to the number of 31,000, give the United States a peculiar interest in the present situation. While it is necessary that these interests be given adequate protection, that is the protection afforded the interests of citizens of Mexico, yet “exertion on the part of the United States in the interest of large holdings should proceed very cautiously and with a full knowledge of the facts.” The refusal of President Wilson to recognize Huerta is contrasted with the precedent of President Pierce who, in the course of a few months, recognized “five successive revolutionary governments.” The author believes that if withholding recognition prevents the repetition of such a state of affairs, it will have served a useful purpose. The policy of President Wilson is in keeping with that of Mr. Seward, who thought that the United States should “wait before recognizing General Diaz until it shall be assured that his election is desired by the Mexican people, and that his administration is possessed of stability to endure.” Further intervention in Mexican affairs should “not be undertaken until such a prolonged reign of virtual anarchy has taken place as to threaten the very existence of civilization in that country. Progress so far has been slow, but no slower than has been the case in other countries in the past.” “Internal changes cannot take place in an instant.” “If it cost this country four years of constant warfare to settle the question of negro slavery, we should allow Mexico at least the same amount of time to settle her own larger slavery question.” The last chapter contains a discussion of the intervention in the European war in which the attitude of each of the belligerents is briefly stated. In regard to the position of the United States and the possibility of our intervening in the war, the author quotes the advice which Baron de Nolken, the Swedish Ambassador to England, gave to John Adams in the time of the Napoleonic wars. “Sir, I take it for granted that you all have sense enough to see us in Europe cut each other's throats with a philosophical tranquillity.” In considering the excuse given for Germany's violation of the neutrality of Belgium, that the latter country had forfeited her privileges as a neutralized nation by erecting forts on the German frontier, Mr. Hodges cites Article IV of the convention of 1831, which stipulates, “The fortresses of Belgium which are not mentioned in Article 1, of the present Convention, as destined to be dismantled, shall be maintained; His Majesty the King of the Belgians engages to keep them constantly in good order.” The “secret documents” discovered in Belgium do not furnish any legal justification for the German invasion, for they provide for “the entry of the English into Belgium only after the violation of our neutrality by Germany.” Such entry would be unavoidable if England met her obligations in the treaty of 1839.

and elections, 40 pages; state government, 78 pages; local government, 48 pages; government of the United States, 94 pages; functions of government, 162 pages. In the last section are fifteen chapters, with the following headings: Foreign relations and national defense, crime and its prevention, public morals and recreation, care of dependents, education, the preservation of health, the conservation of national resources, money and banking, the regulation of corporations, the control and ownership of public utilities, government and labor, immigration, municipal functions, revenue and taxation, government finance. These subjects are presented from a full knowledge of recent progress in government.and an experience of nine years in the teaching of it. The author's judgments are mature and his presentation of them sufficiently modest. The effectiveness of the book is augmented no little by the use of about seventy illustrations presenting such subjects as a ballot, the heading of a legislative bill, a summons, plans of government for cities, the President's engagements for a day, a passport, the New York City water supply system, principal irrigation projects in the western part of the United States, the Roosevelt dam, damage done by flood, a waiting room at Ellis Island, and a large number of other new and fresh material. EDGAR DAWSON.

Hunter College of the City of New York.

HODGES, HENRY G. The Doctrine of Intervention. Princeton, N. J.: The Banner Press, 1915. Pp. xii + 288. $1.50. In this monograph, Mr. Hodges has combined an historical study of the doctrine of intervention with a discussion of its principles. The work is well done, and will be of value to students of international law. Frequent citations are made from the works of Hall, Oppenheim, Moore and other standard authorities in support of the author's opinions. The discussion starts with a definition sufficiently broad to warrant a consideration of pretty much everything which pertains to the relations between nations. Political intervention is justifiable when necessary to self-preservation, to uphold the balance of power or to protect neutralized States or canals, but in the opinion of Mr. Hodges, intervention to uphold the nation with the just cause, a principle so strongly urged to-day by the friends of the Allies, is “not warranted by any of the principles of international law.” Non-political intervention is allowable for the protection of citizens in foreign countries. “The government which does not exercise its rights in this particular is not worthy of the name.” This principle has furnished most frequent cause for intervention, especially in the affairs of weak nations. How far a nation is justified in intervention to secure payment of contract debts is carefully considered, and intersting quotations are given of opinion on that subject. Mr. Root is quoted as saying at Buenos Ayres in 1906: “We deem the use of force for the collection of ordinary contract debts to be an invitation to abuses in their necessary results far worse, far more baneful to humanity than that the debts contracted by any nation should go unpaid.” In a message to the United States Senate, President Roosevelt said: “Except for arbitrary wrong, done or sanctioned by superior authority, to persons or to vested property rights, the United States Government, following its traditional usage in such cases, aims to go no further than the mere use of its good offices, a measure which frequently proves ineffective. On the other hand, however, there are governments which do sometimes take energetic action for the protection of their subjects in the enforcement of merely contractual claims, and thereupon

Phillips Andover Academy. ARCHIBALD FREEMAN.

SMITH, L. PEARSALL. The English Language. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1914. Pp. 256. 50 cents.

The publishers of this Home University Library series have enriched the resources of teachers of history again and again through the publication of scholarly little manuals at small cost, such, for example, as Andrews’ “The Colonial Period,” Paxson's “The American Civil War,” and Myers’ “The Dawn of History,” to name only a few of the many excellent titles. In spite, however, of the service and our growing habit of expecting help from this source, the value of Mr. Smith's book for teachers of history in the high school may have been overlooked by many, because its title suggests usefulness primarily for another department than our own. But language, as he points out, is the expression of the thought of the era which fashioned it for its instrument, and not only does every word possess an ascertainable history, but many of them bear important traces of the event or movement of thought to which they owe their creation. Here, then, is a clear hint of the service of this book to teachers of our subject, who will find the three chapters on “Language and History” of especial value.

DUGGAN, STEPHEN PIERCE. A Student's Textbook in the History of Education. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1916. Pp. xii + 383. $1.25. As one reads this book, he is conscious of passing through many areas of condensation and rarefaction. There is some excuse for such an arrangement if the unimportant is treated with proper regard for its value as a contribution to the later development of education, and if the more significant theories and tendencies receive their due share of emphasis. Here the reviewer finds that important things—theories, practices, institutions, etc.—have been slighted, while much that is unimportant has been emphasized. “Roman Writers on Education ” are treated in one short paragraph. Apparently only Quintilian contributed anything worth mentioning. If, as the author says, “his suggestions conform in many instances to the most approved of the present day,” some of these suggestions ought to be set out. Again, we read that “it (Quintilian's De Institutione Oratoria) was of much service to the humanists after its discovery in the early Renaissance.” But when we come to the Renaissance period, we find no reference to Quintilian. In any treatment of the Renaissance, Vives certainly deserves consideration with such men as Erasmus, Vittorino da Feltre, Ascham, Sturm, and Colet, but he has been overlooked. Vives' Christi triumphus, De disciplinis, and his treatise on the education of women constituted a very important contribution to the spirit and content of the Renaissance. Furthermore, Comenius owed just as much to Vives as he did to Bacon, but here again

the author does not acknowledge Vives. In the treatment of American colonial education, that old stand-by, “the famous Law of 1647,” is taken as the starting-point of education in Massachusetts. The Law of 1642, and the important practice which it established, are not mentioned. If “foreign influences" upon American education are worth considering at all, they should be set out in some detail.

University of Wisconsin. RoberT FRANCIS SEYBOLT.

Robinson, JAMEs HARVEY. Medieval and Modern Times. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1916. Pp. 777. $1.60. This is a revision of the “Introduction to the History of Western Europe,” by the same author, which appeared in 1902. The main purpose in the revision, according to the author's statement, was to simplify the book, thereby fitting it to the requirements of secondary school work, and to give a more adequate discussion of the recent history of Europe up to the outbreak of the great war in 1914. In both of these objects the author has succeeded. A comparative reading of parallel sections in both books shows a large amount of condensation in the discussions dealing with medieval institutions and affairs, as well as a noticeable simplification in the language and style throughout, thus fitting it better to the capacity of the high school pupil. Yet this change has not, in the author's opinion, rendered the book unsuitable for college work in introductory courses. One hundred and eighty pages, or almost one-fourth of the book, are devoted to the discussion of European affairs since 1815. This is about one hundred pages more on this period than was contained in the original volume. Therefore, affairs which have received entirely inadequate attention in most of the school texts are given the fuller discussion which they merit. The story of the last century which has been the real “Dark Ages” for so many of our school pupils is here revealed in the light of the experience through which Europe is passing at present. Many things in this volume merit especial attention. With a warning to the student in the beginning that history deals not merely with events, but more properly with institutions and social conditions, he emphasizes throughout the development and influence of institutions, and the character and effect of social conditions in a consistent fashion. His wide use of the “topical method” in organizing and presenting his material is a prominent feature. This avoids crowding the discussion of the earlier centuries with details more or less disconnected, which is the case when all essential facts are introduced in chronological order. This plan is, of course, not new, but it is very consistently and constantly employed here, and gives the book a valuable quality from the standpoint of class-room use. The book is marked by a superior mechanical excellence, and far surpasses the average textbook in the number and especially the quality of its illustrations and plates, several of which are colored. Practically every illustration has an explanatory legend accompanying it, which makes a great addition to its value to the student. The maps are numerous and well made. There is a bibliography of about twenty pages, well arranged for use, which makes no claim to completeness, but which contains ample material for any high school class. With respect to the all-important matter, the accuracy of the author's scholarship, there is no question, nor of his ability to view the subject from the standpoint of the immature student. All in all, then, this book makes a very real addition to the group of textbooks which are suited for use in high schools. FRANK W. LEASE. High School, Salem, Ohio.

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