province, and to the ministry in England, complaining of the order to dissolve the house of representatives. They insisted, that the circular letter to the other colonies did not merit such a course; the letter merely asking and giving advice. They spoke of the alarm and discontents of the people arising from a dissolution of the general court; of the oppressive effect of the new duties; of the arbitrary conduct of the officers of the customs; and especially of the quartering of regular troops in the province.

**

It was a period of great excitement, and every friend of liberty and constitutional law was anxiously meditating what course was proper to pursue. The merchants renewed the agreement not to import the manufactures of England; and articles of mourning were dispensed with at funerals. The citizens of Boston met again, and prayed the governor to call the general court together, which he declined to do. He informed them, he could not summon the court, without an order from the British ministers; and if he should call them together, and they would not rescind the circular letter, or confess the error of issuing it, he should again dissolve it. They then proposed a convention in Boston, and requested all the towns in the province to choose members to attend it. A convention was accordingly holden in that place, in September, 1768, composed of delegates from more than one hundred towns. They were in session several days. The first measure adopted was a request to the governor to call a general court.† But he refused to receive the petition, and said, it was an unauthorized and irregular meeting. The convention disclaimed all legislative and governmental authority; and declared the cause and object of the meeting were the alarms of the people, and the obtaining of relief from the oppressive system of imposts, custom-house officers, and regular troops; which were grievances to the province, and incompatible with its just authority, its rights and liberties. They recommended to the people to refrain from all acts of violence and tumult, and to submit to all legal authority, till some way of relief should be opened to them. They prepared a letter to the agent of the province in

*Mr. Hutchinson says "that after the lieutenant governor was left out of the council, there was little freedom and independence in that body; and that it became subservient to the views of the leaders in the house."

At this meeting, it was also voted, that the people of the province be advised to furnish themselves with fire-arms: and that a day of fasting and prayer be observed.

The officers of the customs were very obnoxious to the people. The cadets, the governor's guard, voted not to dine with the commander-inchief, on a public occasion, (June, 1768) if the commissioners were invited.

England, and a petition to the king. In these, they said there was reason to fear, that misstatements had been made, by some in authority in the province, as to the conduct and designs of the people; in consequence of which regular troops were ordered to be stationed among them. They complained that the general court had been dissolved, and that petitions before forwarded to the king had not been presented. They stated that the people did not wish for independence, nor were promoters of riot and violence. "We hold that the sovereignty of his majesty, King George Third, (they said) is entire in all parts of the British empire; God forbid, that we should ever act or wish any thing in repugnation of the same. We appear as plain, honest men, humbly desiring peace and order; and while the people observe a medium between abject submission and a slavish stupidity under grievous oppressions, on one hand, and illegal attempts to obtain relief, on the other, and steadily persevere in constitutional applications to recover their just rights and liberties, they think they may promise themselves success."

So prudent and temperate were the proceedings of the convention, that, though the governor and his friends, at first, considered it highly irregular, they spoke of its conduct afterwards without censure. Some of the government party said, "it was destitute of spirit, and that the expected arrival of more troops intimidated a majority of the meeting." It was a season of uncommon anxiety and apprehension through the province; and it was difficult to decide, whether forbearance and moderation, or more spirited measures, were the most proper, and the most suitable to guard against continued or even greater acts of oppression. It was evident, there was a determination in ministers to enforce the acts of parliament, which in the province were considered unjust, even at the point of the bayonet. Whether they had adopted such a determination, from their own conviction, that it was necessary to carry the laws into effect, at all hazards; or whether the advice of Governor Bernard, and others in Massachusetts, had induced the ministry to adopt such a course; the belief of the people in fact was, that a standing army would be sent into the province, to awe, or to coerce them into submission.

This was a perilous condition, and required not only resolution and spirit, but wisdom and prudence. The province was

* From 1763 to 1766, James Otis, Jr., an eminent attorney of Boston, was the leading member of the house of representatives. His father, an inhabitant of Barnstable, was also one of the zealous and active advocates for the rights of the province. The education of the son was superior to that of the father: but both had talent, and energy of character. Mr.

weak, and England was powerful—a contest of force, at that time, would have been the extreme of folly and rashness. And yet, quietly to acquiesce in the measures of administration, was not in character for the men of that day, and it would have proved fatal to the cause of constitutional liberty. Prudent counsels prevailed; and the effect was eventually favorable. There was no apathy, and no servile submission to arbitrary power. Proper remonstrances were made against the oppressive measures under which the people of the province were groaning; and a spirit was gaining strength, as information prevailed, to meet impending difficulties. One of the greatest evils felt, was the want of a house of assembly, a constitutional body, to oppose tyranny, and to defend the people in the enjoyment of their rights and liberties. For, if the British ministry could prevent the general court sitting, as they pleased, the regular way to seek relief and to oppose arbitrary measures could no longer be used. The evil was in some measure mitigated by the vigilance and firinness of the council. They could be a check, in some cases, on the governor, though they could not perform any acts of legislation.

On the day of the adjournment of the convention in Boston, or only the evening before, two regiments of British troops arrived from Halifax, which had been ordered by General Gage, in compliance with instructions from England, to be sta

Hutchinson charged them with ambition and selfishness; while the people generally were unable to account for his public conduct, except from the love of office and power. Samuel Adams, of Boston, was among the early supporters of the rights and liberties of the people. Before he was a member of the house, he had great influence with the committees, appointed to prepare state papers, and took the lead in the proceedings of the town, relating to public affairs. He was chosen a member of the house in September, 1765, in the place of Oxenbridge Thacher, (who died at that time) who was a very learned, judicious, and able friend of the province. Thomas Cushing, who was often speaker of the house, was a member for Boston, and a warm supporter of civil liberty; but he was not qualified to be a leader of opposition, in a time like that of 1765, and 1770. James Bowdoin was distinguished for wisdom, discretion, and cool judgment, yet not deficient in energy and decision of character, to contend against the ablest advocates of the British government. He was generally chosen into the council; and was there a great supporter of the measures proposed by the whigs in the house. He was also a scholar and a philosopher. Samuel Dexter, in some respects, was of a similar character to Bowdoin; a man of the first education, of great reading, and well versed in the writings of Locke, Grotius, Hampden, Sidney, and Harrington. Joseph Hawley, an eminent lawyer of Northampton, was more like Otis; ardent, zealous, and eloquent; and in his writings against the friends of arbitrary power, full of severity and sarcasm. Thomas Saunders, of Gloucester, and Joseph Gerrish, of Newburyport, were men of influence in the house, and had the honor of being several times rejected by the governor, when chosen counsellors, merely because they were opposed to his arbitrary principles, and to the measures of the British ministry.

tioned in the capital of Massachusetts. One or two others were also expected from Ireland; intelligence having been received that orders had been issued for that purpose. The alarm produced by these events was universal and extreme. To have regular troops stationed in the province in time of peace, was altogether unprecedented. The only design was seen to be to compel obedience to the arbitrary orders of custom-house officers, or of the governor, who was disposed to maintain his authority (and of the extent of his authority he was to be sole judge) at every hazard. And the prospect was the more exciting and alarming, as it was known that the governor and some others had given ministers an opinion, that order and law could not be maintained in Massachusetts without an armed force.

He

The popular excitement was so great, at this time, that the governor was alarmed for his personal safety. Some of the people were too much inclined to mobs; and though most of the reflecting part of the town did not approve such violences, it was said, they did not use all possible efforts to prevent or punish them. Probably, the governor was conscious he had been the cause of sending troops into the province. He had been often charged with advising to it. Mr. Hutchinson says, that General Gage, at New York, then commander of the British forces in America, had orders to send troops to Massachusetts, whenever Governor Bernard should desire it. once asked the advice of the council (in 1767) whether he should apply to General Gage for troops: and he enjoined secrecy under their oaths, when he requested their consent. They advised against it; and the troops were not applied for, at that time. Whether he made a request for them again in 1768, does not appear; but the people generally supposed, that it was in consequence of his representations, the troops were sent in that year. Governor Bernard proposed leaving the province, at this period; and said to his friends, that he had been more happy in New Jersey than in Massachusetts. The troops came, and he seems to have been more willing to remain. The house had before this requested the British ministry that Governor Bernard might be recalled. He was very unpopular at this time; for it was known that he had greatly misrepresented the province.

Before the troops arrived, the governor informed the council, that they were soon expected, and desired them to order a place and provisions for them. The council advised that the selectmen of Boston might be consulted; but they declined acting in the case. The governor then pressed the subject

again before the council. They gave an opinion, after some deliberation, that the troops should be stationed at the castle; and offered as reasons, that there was no necessity to quarter them in Boston, and that the accommodations at the castle were sufficient; at least for the two regiments expected from Halifax; and they hoped no others would be ordered. The governor replied, that the directions were for part of the troops to be stationed in Boston, to preserve the peace and order of the town.* It was only proposed at first, to quarter one regiment in Boston, and to have the other stationed on Castle Island. But, the commander was told, on his arrival, that both the town and the governor's council were opposed to having the troops stationed in Boston; and he resolved to land all in that place, instead of the castle. When desired to provide quarters for them, the council said there were barracks at the castle unoccupied, and that was the proper place for them. Under a pretence, that the troops were wholly under control of the colonel, and that he had no authority in the case, the governor had invited the military officers (and some others) to be present in council, when the request was made to the board, for quarters for the troops. And the colonel presumed to give his opinion, at the council board; "saying, that no man out of Massachusetts would have objected to such a request, and that they had put a wrong construction on the act of parliament, which provided for the quartering of troops in the colonies." He also threatened to give information to the ministry, of this refusal of the council. The officer was so inconsiderate as to say, that there was a bad spirit in Boston, which had induced him to land both regiments there. The council replied, that he was mistaken; and they hoped he would represent to the authority in England, that the people were peaceable and orderly; and would prevent the sending of more troops into the province. The council finally consented, that the governor, if he saw fit, might quarter the troops in Boston, but that the expense must not be on the province, but on the British government.‡

*The people said, "to overawe the friends of liberty, and to support British agents and officers in their conduct, howsoever oppressive or arbitrary:" and "that the troops would not have been sent, but by advice of ill-minded persons."

This was singular conduct; and justly alarmed the friends of civil liberty. The representatives of the people were not allowed to assemble; and even the council was overawed by the presence of a military officer, who was not of the board.

The frame of a guard-house, which the British colonel, Dalrymple, had put up, at the south end of Boston, on the neck, was pulled down by the mob, the evening of October 10th, 1768.