in Class I, who were generally liable to service and without dependents.

ances

For the benefit of dependent families of men who volunteered and to fulfill the national obligation to the men themselves due to the risks of war, Congress War risk extended the principle of employers' liability and allowover the armed forces in October, 1917. The history of pension legislation since the Civil War told the story of national obligation and of the difficulties of meeting it by subsequent legislation. The new law attempted to anticipate or to avoid the problems. By rigorous physical examination men of unsound physique, liable to collapse under military strain, were excluded from the forces. If men with families dependent upon them entered the service, they were required to make allotments from their pay for the benefit of the family, while the United States added to this a family allowance based upon nearness of kin and number of dependents. The Bureau of War Risk Insurance of the Treasury Department was enlarged to insure the whole military force, with provisions for payments in the event of death or complete disability and of proportional amounts for partial disability. The maimed soldier was promised, in addition to this, reëducation at the national expense in case he returned from war shell-shocked or crippled and unable to resume his former place. The Federal Board for Vocational Education was given charge of the administration of this guarantee. In addition to the liability that the United States assumed toward every soldier, the latter was permitted if he desired to take out life insurance at cost to the maximum of ten thousand dollars, and in all of the cantonments insurance officers were appointed to persuade the men to take out the maximum with premiums charged against their pay. By the time the war risk legislation was enacted Congress had completed a summer of prolonged discussion, and had laid down the fundamental policies upon which the United States was to fight the war.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

The Final Report of General John J. Pershing, Commander-in-Chief, American Expeditionary Forces (1919), is well illustrated with official maps, and provides an excellent guide to the military operations. Frederick Palmer, America in France (1918), is the work of a trained journalist who was attached to G.H.Q. for historical work. Isaac F. Marcosson, S.O.S. (1919), gives a description of the services of supply that were directed from Tours. William Crozier, Ordnance and the World War (1920), relates to a single aspect of war preparation. Katherine Mayo, "That

Damn Y" (1920), is the result of an investigation of the work of the Y.M.C.A: On the navy, consult William S. Sims, The American Navy in the War (1920); John L. Leighton, "Simsadus: London": At U.S. Naval Headquarters Abroad (1920); and Navy Ordnance Activities: World War 1917-1918 (1920), which is an official history of the Bureau of Naval Ordnance.

'CHAPTER L

WAR POLICIES

THE American legislation of 1917 divides itself roughly into two classes, one having to do chiefly with emergencies that must be met without delay, and the other comprising policies whose full effect could come only with the lapse of time. The authorization of the first Liberty Loan and the determination to finance the Allies belong to the emergency measures that were enacted without prolonged debate. In this class also falls the Selective Service Act, in whose acceptance there was an almost unanimous agreement. While Congress was enacting the emergency laws, its committees were discussing permanent policies for bringing the full strength of the United States into the war.

warfare

The World War brought into existence new weapons that changed the character of strategy and altered the position of both the non-combatant and the neutral. New conAircraft, the submarine, poison gases, and the ditions of tanks were all added into the arsenal of physical weapons. Propaganda and the censorship were brought to play upon men's minds, to weaken the resistance of the enemy, or to encourage the spirit of the nation using it. Before the United States was drawn into the war the position of the neutral had been made almost unbearable by "a new war weapon against Germany - a noiseless and unseen weapon." This was the embargo.

The anciently admitted right of the belligerent to blockade or invest his enemy and starve him into submission carried with it a right never denied by neutrals Neutral to search merchant vessels on the high seas, to trade seize contraband goods where they could be found, and to seize both the cargo and the vessel carrying it in an attempt to violate a blockade. The inconvenience caused by these conceded rights would have been great enough to disor

ganize the life of neutral nations if no additional means of restricting trade with the enemy had been discovered. The Allies before 1917 relied chiefly upon the law of contraband and the doctrine of ultimate enemy destination in their attempts to bring economic pressure upon the Central Powers. Friction and inconvenience resulted, but since the Allies were ready to purchase most of the cargoes they intercepted, and since their assertions of enemy destination were generally well founded, no neutral nation offered to defend its immunity in trade with a belligerent by going to war about it. As the war progressed the Allies discovered attempts to evade the consequences of enemy destination. The people of Holland and Denmark shipped their butter fats to Germany and themselves consumed oleo that they purchased in Allied countries. In many ways it was found possible to sell the Central Powers a commodity originating in Continental neutral countries and to replace it with an Allied or other neutral commodity. The effect of this was identical with that of the method of direct importation by way of the Allied countries, and it left the enemies of Germany in the situation of provisioning her through the connivance of neutrals. The Allied blockade broke up the direct maritime trade with Germany, and then the indirect trade upon the principle of enemy destination, and finally the Allied Governments undertook to prohibit trade with the neutrals unless assured that the commodities so imported would not release others for the benefit of Germany.

The United States suffered from loss of the profitable trade with Germany and European neutrals that might have been enjoyed had the Allies permitted it, or had Great Britain been willing to furnish her own ships to carry it. Since the United States had little merchant marine and American exports had been habitually carried in the ships of countries now at war, there had been much inconvenience and considerable hard feeling due to the pressure of the Allied embargo. As a tool of war, however, the weapon was both permissible and effective, and the Espionage Act of June 15, 1917, carried a provision for the control of exports.

Vance McCormick, who had been chairman of the Democratic National Committee in 1916, was made chairman of the Exports Administrative Board, appointed under this act. The exports of the United States were to be controlled by a system of licenses for the purpose of preventing their reaching the enemy, and conserving them for the use of the United States and its associates in the war. Neutrals were not to be hampered in their reasonable needs so far as these could be provided without injury to the Allied cause or without aiding the enemy. As the summer advanced the number of commodities affected was increased through extensions of the prohibited list and the exports conservation list, and to these there was added the control of bunker coal. By refusing to sell coal to neutral vessels in American ports until these contracted to refrain from carrying cargoes useful to the enemy and agreed to a trade acceptable to the United States, it was possible to extend the influence over the war trade

Power to control imports into the United States was voted in August, and on October 6 Congress brought together other provisions relating to the embargo The War in the Trading with the Enemy Act. The War Trade Board Trade Board, of which McCormick remained the chairman, took over and enlarged upon the work of the Exports Administrative Board to stop all trade with the enemy, to conserve American exports, and to restrict the imports. Tonnage was so short that it could not be spared for unnecessary cargoes. All imports were under license by February, 1918, and the technical bureaus of the War Trade Board issued the licenses as it was shown that the imports could not be done without or replaced by similar commodities of American origin.

In breaking up trade with the enemy, the War Trade Board undertook to stop the trade with enemy subjects wherever they might reside, and created an intelligence division to gather information, which was embodied in lists of enemy firms with whom trade was prohibited. The office of Alien Property Custodian, created by the same act, was