The New Democracy came out of its ancient oyster shell in 1896 to oppose the monopoly of wealth. O. H. P. Belmont did not join the New Democracy, he is himself a very great monopolist of wealth and banker guardian of many others. He realized that the 'new birth' might trouble monopoly and so opposed it. But there is a better way than opposition to take out popular fangs, as the rich and mighty have always known. Join the popular side, identify yourself with their cause, and broaden, correct and tone down their demands. Old aristocracies have captured and decapitated thousands of popular movements in this way. Belmont brings his millions back to the Democratic fold and is welcomed with hugs and kisses because Democracy has the vertigo before millions. Then standing up and speaking for the New Democracy, he shapes its policy and destiny: ““I deny in every way the idea that the Democratic party is opposed to wealth-wealth is as safe in Democratic hands as it is in Republican hands." But although on this point we agree with our enemies, there are certain luminous illusions whereon we differ from them bitterly and to these I strenuously call you to rally and drive them out from the "intricate system of patronage" wherebehind they have entrenched themselves.' A few weeks later 'Belmont's name was enthusiastically applauded at a New York public dinner when he was mentioned as a running mate for Bryan.'

The keynote given, response was quick and lusty. On the Fourth of July Tammany Hall met together to “replenish the lamps of patriotism," which were filled with oil by Joseph J. Willett, president of the Alabama Bar Association, who lighted them up with these burning senti

ments:

"Right here I will state our party has no crusade or unholy war to make against wealth. Nor have we ever desired to build up a party of sans culottes. In many sections of our country, notably in my own, the men of wealth in nearly every instance are Democrats, and

we have no idea or thought of driving these men from the party or excluding them from party councils."

"To get together with the old-time spirit and with the old-time enthusiasm, we must fight the coming campaign on living issues. The American people are so constituted, whether happily or unhappily, that they prefer to settle the questions immediately in front of them rather than those which may arise in the future. Happily for us, there are issues right in front of us upon which we can all be united. One of these is the tariff, with its monstrosities and absurdities. The need of tariff reform was never more urgent than it is today, and every one knows we must look to the Democratic party for relief."

On the question who shall own the already monopolized wealth of the country the Republican party is Tweedledee and the Democratic Tweedledum. The old-time Democratic enthusiasm is to be aroused on that young issue, the tariff. Ex-congressman Caruth, of Kentucky, then arose and girded himself with metaphysical kerosene to break up the trusts.

The return of wealth to control of the Democratic party will quiet down its opposition to expansion. At the Democratic dollar dinner in New York (April 15), Vice-President Belmont offered a distinction and a difference for the assuagement of Democrats who are from principle against expansion. "The Republicans," he said, “were slow in avenging the insult and injuries of the [Spanish] enemy and only did so when pushed to it by the Democracy of the country. They are guilty of carrying on our late war in a partisan and corrupt manner, and to the profit of corporations.

Henry Watterson made a suggestion some time ago in his Courier Journal, of which much may yet be heard. "To come down to hard facts" about the Democratic party,

There is but one thing for them to do. The voters have about made up their minds that party pledges are fabricated chiefly to be broken. Let the Democrats, banking on this circumstance, put up a ticket without a platform; let them nominate candidates for President and VicePresident who are a platform in themselves; and, if they can induce the great admiral and the gallant general to accept, here is the card to win with: For President, George Dewey of Vermont. For VicePresident, Fitzhugh Lee of Virginia. Platform-The Stars and Stripes, God bless them.

As to the 'acquisition of territory and the elevation of the American Union into a world-power,' he claims that the Spanish war settled it and Democracy should accept the verdict.

Silverist Senator Stewart, millionaire, has not been without influence on Democratic destinies and he has also given a verdict, lately.

Expansion? Why we've already expanded, and it is not a question whether or not we favor it. What is to be our future course in the Philippines? That is the question. These fellows who dub themselves anti-expansionists don't know. . . . It makes no difference whether the United States had a right to buy the islands, or whether Spain had a title which she could dispose of. The fact remains that we did buy them, and are now there for the purpose of giving the natives an opportunity to rule themselves. It may be that our arguguments are rather strong, but it is apparently the only way to treat with those people.

If straws show the way the wind blows, these hay fields should show the way the Democratic wind blows. The Democratic party will settle down to the position of the Liberal party in England. It will be.reluctant about expansion but will favor it; it will favor slower expansion; that will be its distinction and difference, its luminous illusion.

Preparatory to the operation of certain kinds of medicines, certain other kinds have to be taken first. This distinction and difference will prepare the Democratic party for the operation of campaign funds. The millionaires are rejoining the party with an eye to saving monopolized wealth and accomplishing imperialism. They can tirade trusts lustily, for trusts will not be broken up, and if they are it will not hurt millionairedom; something equally agglutinous not called trusts will be found. The wealth controllers of the party will be chiefly expansionists. They will etherealize the party opposition to expansion into a beautiful epigram for transfixing votes, and if they fail in this they will provide that enough expansionist Democratic Congressman are elected to temper radical opposition to that doctrine if the party should

carry the national elections. If the millionaires will fatten the campaign fund plenty of Democratic candidates. for Congress will be found hungry to promise allegiance to 'expansion at a slow pace.' Expansion is secure. As the trusts contribute campaign funds to both parties, so do expansion millionaires. It makes no difference which party has the majority, expansion will have the majority when the vote comes on it—always barring the teeth of the mastiff. For after all McKinley did not wholly dispose of Destiny, it still wavers on the question whether the people will bite.

When they say build ships and expand, it is not for a job or glory or vulgar money. The expanding affirmations of Deity Dewey will carry more guns' than a thousand horse-sense arguments, because a simon-pure naval patriot can only express simon-pure wisdom. A Vienna paper reports that Dewey said, "Who is to disarm first? The experiment was tried in the United States, and look what it cost us to get ready in time and how we had to face the issue. We now think differently and are building forty men-of-war. We shall not be taken by surprise and found unprepared again, and it is hard to believe, in view of our terrific exertions, that the other powers will abandon the advantage of their armament and give them up." His opinion cabled from elsewhere was, "We need a large and thoroughly equipped navy that can cope with any other power. Our next war will be with Germany.' He may not have been so childish as to say this about Germany, but he probably thinks it. If as a nation we honored horse sense more we should realize that the only cause we can ever have for fighting Germany is our new expansion greed.

About the time Dewey was spawning these fateful eggs the Associated Press published from Washington the following information: "Admiral Dewey today filed in the Court of Claims through his attorneys his claim for naval bounty growing out of the battle in Manila Bay,

May 1, 1898. This is the first of this class of claims filed in this court, and it is anticipated that there will be between 4000 and 5000 altogether." What the naval prizes amount to is not yet known. Guessing at it the Washington Post apportioned $100,000 to Sampson, 9,000 to Dewey, 5,000 to Schley, to each of the captains in Sampson's fleet 4,000, to Dewey's captains 3,000, to the men on an average 165. To be an Admiral and have war give you chance to bag a hundred thousand dollars at a shot, makes your championship of immense navies financial if not sordid. Let us not dwell on this, more than to say that the naval officers are barbers, traveling drummers, self-promoters, quite as the generals are. Be it remem

bered how noble Shafter's tribute to himself was after the fall of Santiago! "It has been a hard campaign, one of the hardest I ever saw. The difficulties to contend with were very great. Never during our civil war were more difficult problems solved."

He

Expansion prizes strike the commercial millionaires from all sides, but a single case at this point will show the genesis of clouds of terrible patriotism. Irving M. Scott of San Francisco is a typical commercial millionaire. is a builder of ships. Imperialism has caused our government to go into warship building recklessly, for example three new battleships are to be constructed at a cost of $15,000,000. There are only four great building firms in the country and Scott's is one. He is an expan

sionist-purely from principle and humanity like the rest. "Beyond doubt," he said to a reporter, "the powers would be more embarrassed if the United States let go the islands now than if they held them. Diplomats are relieved, because we hold Manila. Unless the United States keeps the islands under direct control, they believe the interests of all countries would suffer severely, and serious complications would probably arise." How lucky it is that we can relieve diplomats by awarding fifteen million dollar contracts to American battleshipbuilders!