From Ladd's time to the present there has been a rapid increase of interest in plans for a new world order for the purpose of maintaining peace. For the most part, the new proposals are based on those which have already been mentioned. But the successive schemes tend to become more complete and detailed because each draws from the whole group of its predecessors. In three synopses which have been prepared the1 features of the various plans are tabulated under the headings (1) International Legislation, (2) International Courts and Their Jurisdiction, (3) Arbitration and Conciliation for Non-justiciable Disputes, (4) Sanctions, (5) International Executive, (6) Armaments, (7) Territorial Changes, and (8) Diplomatic Relations. Under headings (3) and (4) we find matter not found in the older schemes. The distinction between justiciable and non-justiciable disputes is of recent origin and not common to all the new plans. The use of economic pressure as a sanction for a league before resort to war and not merely as an incident of it is new also. We find in addition that there is emphasis on the need of permanent international courts to supplement temporary or occasional courts of arbitration. Some of the recent plans are the work of individual writers, for example, Lorimer❜ and La Fontaine, but most of them were produced by the combined efforts of societies or study groups. The important British plans were drawn up by the Fabian Society, by the so-called Bryce Group, and by the League of Nations Society. In the United States, proposals were made by the American Peace Soiety, by the Marburg Study Group, by the League of Free 'Levermore, Plans for International Organization (American Peace Society); Levermore, Synopsis of Plans for International Organization (in Advocate of Peace, July, 1919); and Synopsis of Plans for International Organization (Messenger of the New York Peace Society, January, 1918.. *Institutes of the Law of Nations, 1883-1884. The Great Solution, 1916. "See Woolf, International Government, p. 371-410. 'See Bryce, Proposals for the Prevention of Future Wars, 1917. "See Bibliography, Appendix 8. "See Advocate of Peace, any number after May, 1917. "See Marburg, Draft Convention for League of Nations, 1918. Nations, and by the League to Enforce Peace. The latter Society was organized in June, 1915, to promote the following programme: First: The submission of all justiciable questions, not settled by negotiation, to a judicial tribunal for hearing and judgment. Second: The submission of all other questions to a Council of Conciliation for hearing and recommendation. Third: The signatory powers shall use their economic forces against any one of their number that refuses to submit any question to an international tribunal or Council of Conciliation before issuing an ultimatum or threatening war. They shall follow this by the joint use of their military forces against that nation, if it proceeds to make war or invade another's territory. Fourth: To hold conferences between the signatory powers to formulate and codify rules of international law, which shall govern the decisions of the Judicial Tribunal. After the signing of the armistice with Germany, the Society expanded the above into a "Victory Programme" which it adopted on November 23, 1918. As an illustration of development from a general plan to a more detailed scheme, and in order that it may be compared with the League Covenant, it is given below: The war now happily brought to a close has been above all a war to end war, but in order to ensure the fruits of victory and to prevent the recurrence of such a catastrophe there should be formed a League of Free Nations, as universal as possible, based upon treaty and pledged that the security of each state shall rest upon the strength of the whole. The initiating nucleus of the membership of the League should be the nations associated as belligerents in winning the war. The League should aim at promoting the liberty, progress, and fair economic opportunity of all nations, and the orderly development of the world. It should ensure peace by eliminating causes of dissension, by deciding controversies by peaceable means, and by uniting the potential force of all the members as a standing menace against any nation that seeks to upset the peace of the world. The advantages of membership in the League, both economically and from the point of view of security, should be so clear that all nations will desire to be members of it. For this purpose it is necessary to create 1. For the decision of justiciable questions an impartial tribunal whose jurisdiction shall not depend upon the assent of the parties to the controversy; provision to be made for enforcing its decisions. 2. For questions that are not justiciable in their character, a Council of Conciliation, as mediator, which shall hear, consider, and make recommendations; and, failing acquiescence by the parties concerned, the League shall determine what action, if any, shall be taken. 3. An administrative organization for the conduct of affairs of common interest, the protection and care of backward regions and internationalized places, and such matters as have been jointly administered before and during the war. We hold that this object must be attained by methods and through machinery that will ensure both stability and progress; preventing, on the one hand, any crystallization of the status quo that will defeat the forces of healthy growth and change, and providing, on the other hand, a way by which progress can be secured and necessary change effected without recourse to war. 4. A representative Congress to formulate and codify rules of international law, to inspect the work of the administrative bodies, and to consider any matter affecting the tranquillity of the world or the progress or betterment of human relations. Its deliberations should be public. 5. An Executive Body, able to speak with authority in the name of the nations represented, and to act in case the peace of the world is endangered. The representation of the different nations in the organs of the League should be in proportion to the responsibilities and obligations they assume. The rules of international law should not be defeated for lack of unanimity. A resort to force by any nation should be prevented by a solemn agreement that any aggression will be met immediately by such an overwhelming economic and military force that it will not be attempted. No member of the League should make any other offensive or defensive treaty or alliance, and all treaties of whatever nature made by any member of the League should at once be made public. Such a League must be formed at the time of the definitive peace, or the opportunity may be lost forever.1 'International Conciliation, January, 1919, p. 48-50. On the assembling of the Peace Conference, representatives of the societies in the various states met in Paris and attempted to agree on a single plan which might be recommended to the Conference. The French and British governments also were prepared with schemes drafted by official committees, and an important contribution was made by General J. C. Smuts, of South Africa. His proposal and explanation of a system of Mandatories for the control of undeveloped territory and peoples throws much light on Article 22 of the League Covenant. REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER V DUGGAN. The League of Nations, p. 18-49 (Chapter by C. J. H. Hayes). MORROW. Society of Free States, p. 12-33. For further references, see Bibliography, Appendix 8, section 3. 'See The Nation (N. Y.), 108: 225-237, February 8, 1919. CHAPTER VI FORMER LEAGUES OF NATIONS ALTHOUGH popular and theoretical interest in world organization survived throughout centuries of discouragement, there were but two actual experiments of sufficient scope to warrant comparison with the new League of Nations. The Society of Nations described in our first chapter is indeed the foundation for every such league, but it is not itself a closely knit organization. On the other hand, confederations such as the United States of America, Switzerland, and the former German Empire are not leagues in the international sense, but single states having a particular form of internal organization. The British Empire, with its autonomous dominions, has much in common with an international confederation; but even here we have no precedent for a league, because the dominions are not sovereign. The recent developments within the British Empire, evidenced by the permanent establishment of periodic Imperial Conferences, and those which are foreshadowed by the admission to the League of Nations of the self-governing dominions and possessions, are indications, however, of a tendency to give to non-sovereign governments so much of the essence of sovereignty as in effect recognizes the existence of a real Confederation. To constitute an international league in the modern sense, there must be sovereign independent states which by voluntary act enter into arrangements to accomplish general aims of common interest. Mere alliances for mutual protection against other states and alliances to guarantee adherence to a treaty are not such leagues. There must be, in addition to a general bond of union, organs through which the league may act. A fully-developed league would have a permanent administrative bureau; a deliberative representative body meeting at stated intervals; a governing body |