This republic, extending from the river St. Croix, where it falls into the Atlantic, through the great inland lakes, and along the 51st degree of north latitude to the Pacific ocean, forms a barrier against the colonial claims of Europe to the rest of the continent, and is pledged, by its interest and its position, to resist any new encroachment.

Great Britain is the only power interested in sustaining these antiquated claims. Those of Russia are limited by treaty to the

degree of north latitude. By the acknowledgment of the independence of Brazil, those of Portugal are relinquished.

Spain is disabled by the anarchy and weakness prevailing in her councils, from enforcing hers, and the rapid increase of the strength and power of her former colonies has placed their subjugation beyond the range of possibility. The claims of France to the American continent were limited by the cession of Louisiana to the United States to Guyana, which is divided between that power and the Netherlands. Great Britain alone feels a deep interest in maintaining the principles of the colonial system. She possesses colonies on the northern frontier of the United States, and she avails herself of these colonies, to encroach on our limits, while, at the same time, she insists

She

on debarring us from all access to the ocean through the St. Lawrence. The southern boundary of these colonies, she contends, runs along the 49th degree of north latitude to the Columbia river, and down that river to the Pacific ocean. Her West India possessions are numerous and valuable. still claims a right of colonizing the unoccupied shores of this continent, and by a late order in council, she has virtually erected the settlements of her subjects, who were permitted to cut logwood in the bay of Honduras, into colonial establishments, and undertakes to exclude the vessels of the United States from that bay.

In the court of Brazil, she has acquired a predominating influence, through her intimate connection with Portugal, and her share in the establishment of the Brazilian government, and in the dissolution of its connection with the mother country. The effects of that influence have already appeared in discriminating duties imposed in Brazil, in favor of British goods.

The attention of the British government has been lately directed towards the new Spanish republics. The opening of such extensive and valuable markets, was an event of the highest importance to a great maritime and manufacturing nation, and no means have been neglected

to secure a monopoly of their commerce. This is the fundamental principle of the policy, of Great Britain. Obliged to draw the means of supporting a government of boundless extravagance from the profits of her trade, she seeks a monopoly to counterbalance the disadvantages under which she labors, from a ruinous system of taxation. Not that natural monopoly which arises from cheap supplies, but one created and protected by treaties and municipal regulations. To effect this, her diplomatic agents visit every quarter of the globe, and are followed and supported by her wealth and her arms. Every war has its preservation for an object, and every negotiation tends to extend and perpetuate it.

The American nations, on the other hand, seek no monopoly, but endeavor to establish their mutual intercourse upon the liberal footing of entire reciprocity. They feel that this policy is better suited to their condition, and that by their resources, enterprize and industry, they can acquire and enjoy a due share of the commerce of the world. The extravagance and ambition of goverments, founded upon wrong principles, have not compel led them to burden their industry by enormous duties and taxes. Their youthful energies are not re

pressed by impositions laid to dis

charge the debts which prodigal ancestors have left as a legacy to posterity. They enter into the competition of trade, free of incumbrances; with their resources undeveloped, and a virgin and unexhausted soil to supply the materials of commerce.

As the projector of this system, so destructive to her interests, and as her most dangerous competitor on the ocean, the efforts of Great Britain are more particularly directed against this republic. She feels that the United States is her most formidable rival, and her policy seeks to circumscribe the commerce, and check the growth of that navigation which threatens, at some future, but no very distant period, to wrest from her hands the sceptre of the sea.

The great change which has taken place in the condition of the American continent, has, at length, brought the commercial systems of the two countries into direct and hostile opposition. The object of each is the same-to secure to themselves as much as practicable of the commerce of the new states: the means are diametrically opposite.

The United States asks no favors, but depends upon the industry and enterprize of her citizens, unshackled by oppressive duties and restrictions, and favored by local advantages.

Great Britain depends upon the

great capital and skill of her manufacturers, and with diplomatic dexterity endeavors to secure a partial monopoly of their navigation, by admitting the right of Spain over her colonies, and the propriety of their purchasing the relinquishment of that right, by a grant of peculiar favors to the vessels of the mother country in their ports. This monopoly in favor of Spain, a kingdom destitute of navigation and manufactures, she would soon make her own by means of her capital, and it would, in fact, be the trade of English subjects through Spanish factors. This policy of Great Britain has been manifested in every step taken by her government, with regard to the Spanish republics. In all her diplomatic notes respecting them, to the government of the United States, France and Spain, she has advanced the principle, that Spain should be permitted to lead the way in recognizing their independence, and that no objection would be made to an agreement, securing for a limited time, a preference to the navigation and commerce of Spain in their ports.

The earnestness with which she has inculcated the propriety of this course, can scarcely be accounted for, except by a reference to her strong attachment to the colonial system, and her full conviction, that a preference by treaty, to a trade from the ports of Spain,

would be a stipulation in behalf of English subjects. In this light, it was viewed by the government of the United States, whose policy is altogether opposed to any preferences, either in its own behalf, or in behalf of other nations. This fair and liberal policy has hitherto triumphed, and an insurmountable obstacle has been now interposed by the treaties concluded this year with the United States, by Colombia, Mexico and Central America, to the introduction of any preferences in behalf of European trade.

In her intercourse with the Spanish American states, Great Britain cannot avail herself of any influence, either direct from the countenance afforded them in their struggle for independence; or indirect through the mother country. She has no claim upon them, either as colonies or independent states. Their freedom was achieved by their own unaided efforts, and the only countenance afforded them, during the continuance of the contest, was from the United States. They viewed the struggle with a deep interest, excited by its resemblance to their own revolutionary war, and were the first to acknowledge their independence, and to welcome their admission into the family of nations. Even more, by a prompt and decisive expression of the determination of

the government, to support them against foreign aggression, (a determination received with the unanimous approbation of the American people,) they constituted themselves the guardians of the field of battle, and prevented any assistance from the Holy Alliance. This conduct has given to the United States, a powerful influence in the councils of the new republics, which has been uniformly exerted in behalf of the principles of free trade. The fairness and justness manifested by this government, in its intercourse with them, and the conviction that it had a common interest with them in the emancipation of the continent, induced them to invite the United States to participate in the deliberations of the Panama congress. This year the invitation was accepted, and ministers appointed to represent the United States in that assembly.

Since that invitation was given, new questions have arisen between the United States and Great Britain, respecting the colonial trade, which place the commercial systems of the two countries more directly at issue, and render the only badges of colonial subjection which the western hemisphere still bears, dependent on the result.

For several years previous to that period, the intercourse between the United States and the British

West India colonies, had been subjected to various regulations by the two governments, which rendered the continuance of that trade very uncertain.

The British government declined, in 1815 and 1818, propositions to regulate that trade, by the same convention which established the terms of intercourse between the United States and the European ports of England. From an attachment to the colonial system, it did not think proper to allow a commercial intercourse so beneficial to both parties; but continued to keep her colonies in a state of thraldrom, and to subject their trade with the United States to disadvantageous restrictions, so as to exclude American vessels from participating in it.

To prevent a monopoly so injurious to our maritime interests, laws were enacted by congress, which had the effect of putting an end to the direct, and afterwards to the indirect intercourse between the United States and the British West Indies, so long as American vessels were excluded from their ports.

As those islands depend upon the United States for the supplies of many productions necessary to their existence, this prohibition induced the British government, in 1822, to open some of its colonial ports to American vessels,

which were permitted to import certain enumerated articles, that could not be obtained elsewhere upon such good terms. To favor their colonies, these articles were also subjected to a duty, which was not imposed on the same productions imported from the British North American possessions. This intercourse, limited as it was, was still more restricted by the local regulations of the islands; and the American vessels engaged in it, were subjected to so many inconveniences and burdens, imposed to secure a preference to British navigation, that congress was compelled to meet these regulations by a discriminating duty, laid on British vessels from the colonies. The government of the United States, however, was sensible of the injurious effects of this commercial warfare, and sought to remove the difficulties by negotiation. It of fered to settle the terms of this intercourse by treaty, so as to make it completely reciprocal: either a trade in all productions, and free from all restraints, or limited, and with reciprocal discriminating duties. The British government declined this offer, on the ground, that the colonial trade was peculiar in its character, and that it was the policy of Great Britain to regulate it by legislation, and not by treaty; it finally, however, so far yielded, as to offer a convention on

its part, for the regulation of that trade, but which, not being equal in its terms, was not agreed to by the government of the United States. While this question was still pending, the British government determined upon recognizing the Spanish American states as independent.

Shortly after that determination, by an act of parliament, passed July 5th, 1825, the West India colonies were opened to the vessels of other nations, and, about the same time, entrepots were established there upon the warehouse system. The principle upon which the ports of these islands were opened, was, that nations having colonies, were to be admitted upon the same terms upon which British vessels were admitted to their colonies; and those without colonies, were not to be admitted, unless they placed the shipping of Great Britain, and of its possessions abroad, upon the footing of the most favored nation.

These laws were set forth, as indicating a change in the commercial policy of that kingdom, and an adoption of more liberal maxims of trade; but when viewed in connection with the condition of the American continent, they appear to be strictly conformable to the system of monopoly to which she has always adhered.

The South American states were