Слике страница
PDF
ePub

its continuance. The burdens of the war were then consolidated on society; a considerable source of wealth, the expenditure of the foreign troops, was dried up; the ardor of the contest was gone, and ruin came home to almost every door. Tradition can tell us of instances, where the farmer's oxen were unyoked by the tax-gatherer from the plough. Such was the state of things which drove a portion of the citizens of my own state to madness-such was the condition of the homes to which those, who had borne the hardships and perils of the war, too often returned. Let us not, then, imagine, sir, that the army, in the midst of its peculiar privations, was in the least degree, spared from its portion of general calamity.

"It is said, that the relief which this bill provides for the surviving officers of the revolution, is a premium on old age. Sir, that expression sounds harshly to my ear. The term premium, when thus used, reminds me of those measures in political economy which are resorted to, in order to stimulate production. We say, that heavy duties on foreign fabrics, are a premium on domestic manufactures-that injudicious alms-giving is a premium on pauperism. The provisions of this bill are not to have the effect, of multiplying the numbers of the aged and venera

ble persons, to whom it looks. Sir, they are dropping fast into the grave; your bounty will come too late to produce that effect upon them, which, at an earlier stage, might have enabled them to bid defiance to the various foes of life. The most it can do, will be to soothe their decline. At all events, it will not increase their number; and considering who they are, I would rather call it a solace and a comfort, than a premium for old age.

"I am sorry, sir, that we cannot go farther at this time; that in making provisions for the surviving veteran, we cannot also make provision for the widow and children of those, who are deceased. But, sir, we must be contented to do what good we can, and not refuse` to do any good, because we cannot do all good. survivors, is a case by itself; it has been investigated; their number is nearly ascertained;-and the appropriation proposed, is calculated to afford a certain relief to those who share it.

The case of the

"There is one consideration, Mr. Chairman, which, as often as I have revolved this subject in my mind, has seemed to call upon us, for very shame, to do something for these men. It is this, that liberal provision has been, and continues to be, made by the English government, for those, who, in that

country, are called American loyalists-in this country, refugees and tories. Sir, I have myself seen the contrast to which I allude. Gentlemen all know, that the provision for the American loyalists still forms an item in the annual budget in Great Britain; that a portion of the bounty is dispensed in this country; while, even in his amendment, my worthy colleague has thought it necessary to make residence in the United States, a condition of receiving this late and poor provision. I do not object to this practically, I presume it will deprive no one of what he would otherwise receive; but I would willingly have emulated the bounty, which knows how to pursue its rightful objects to the end of the carth.

"Sir, if this act of grateful justice is ever to be performed, now is the time for its performance. The present year completes the half century since the declaration of independence; and most devoutly do I hope, that when the silver trumpet of our political jubilee sounds, it may be with a note of comfort and joy, to the withered heart of the war-worn veteran of the revolution. Our tardy provision, will indeed come too late to help him through the hard journey of life; but it will not come too late to alleviate the sorrows of age, and smooth the pillow of decline. Sir, it is the

fiftieth year of our independence. How much we shall read, how much we shall hear, how much, perhaps, we shall say this year, about the glorious exploits of our fathers, and the debt of gratitude we owe them. I do not wish this to be all talk. I want to do something. I want a substantial tribute to be paid them. Praise, sir, is sweet music both to old and young ; but I honestly confess, that my mind relucts and revolts, by anticipation, at the thought of the compliments, with which we are going to fill the ears of these poor veterans, while we leave their pockets empty, and their backs cold. If we cast out this bill, I do hope that some member of the house, possessing an influence to which I cannot aspire, will introduce another, to make it penal to say a word on the fourth of July, about the debt of gratitude, which we owe to the heroes of the revolution. Let the day and the topic, pass in decent silence. I hate all gag-laws; but there is one thing I am willing to gag-the vaporing tongue of a bankrupt, who has grown rich, and talks sentiment, about the obligation he feels to his needy creditor, whom he paid off at 28. 6d. in the pound.

"Mr. Chairman-We have heard much, of late, of the Washington policy. In the recent discussions

on a great national question, this

[ocr errors]

policy was declared, on all sides, to be the only safe rule for the administration of our foreign affairs. Whithersoever it led us, we were all willing to go; wheresoever it left us, we all professed to stop on no side of the house, was there a question, whether we should adhere to it, or depart from it: the only question was, whether it did, or did not, authorise, without limitation, the measure proposed. I should be glad, indeed, to know, what part of the Washington policy stands more deeply impressed on every record, that remains to us from the father of his country, than the duty of providing for these, his surviving brethren in arms. Where, sir, in all the memorials of that great man, will you find any injunction of neutral policy, any admonition against entangling alliances, expressed in language more strong, than that in which he enforces the claim which is now before you ? 'If, (said he,) besides the simple payment of wages, a farther compensation is not due to the sufferings, and sacrifices of the officers, then have I been mistaken indeed. If the whole army have not merited, whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not, in the event,' (-in the event, Mr. Chairman, and when at length it should possess the means,)

6

'perform every thing, which has been requested by the late memorials to congress, then shall my belief become vain, and the hope which has been excited, void of foundation. And if, as has been suggested, for the purpose of influencing their passions,' (for, sir, it did not enter into the mind of Washington, to conceive that the Newburgh letters were to prove prophetic,) the officers of the army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution; if, in retiring from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness and contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honor, then I shall have realised a tale, which will embitter every moment of my future. life.

But I am under no such apprehensions; a country rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude.'

[blocks in formation]
[ocr errors]

qualities. What was it that raised the man to that elevation, on which no other mortal ever stood? It was the lion-hearted valor, which qualified his Fabian prudence; the god-like generosity, which went hand in hand with his pristine temperance and frugality. Disjoin this matchless compound of virtues ;take from either of his strongly marked characteristics, the opposite quality which balanced and chastened it; and you bring him down to the common level of humanity; and make of him no more than a common great man. It is so with his policy. Sift out from all his lessons, the prudent and dissuasive; listen to his voice then, and then only, when he warns you against following the impulses of enthusiasm! and shut your eyes, and shut your ears, and shut your hearts, when he bids you be generous and liberal, and you make a a policy, sir, of which I have no ambition to be a disciple."

Notwithstanding these powerful arguments the opposition, manifested on the part of those states, whose quotas to the continental army were small and seldom filled, was strong enough to prevent the passage of the bill; and a motion to recommit the bill, for the purpose of ascertaining the number of the revolutionary officers, who ought to be provided for by law; and the amount necessary to make such

provision, and the manner in which it should be made; was carried by a vote of 90 to 85. This disposition of the bill, of course prevented its passage at that time. The bill was subsequently reported with the necessary information, but too near the close of the session, to permit any attempt to bring it under consideration. It consequently remained with the unfinished business on the table.

A bill for the relief of one Francis Larche, which had passed the senate, produced some excitement in the house among the members from the southern states; on account of the principle upon which the committee of claims recommended its rejection.

The claim was for the value of a slave belonging to the petitioner, impressed by order of General Jackson, and killed by a cannon shot, while working on the lines.

The committee reported against the claim, on the ground, that the emergency justified the impressment of every moral agent, capable of contributing to the defence of the place; that men were wanted, and in that capacity, the master and the slave were put in requisition; the parent and his child, and his hired servants, as they were in other parts of the country, where the population had fought and died in the public defence, without having their lives valued, or compen

For these the government, unpopular. The community was generally disappointed as to the results of the ses

sated for in money. reasons, the committee recommended the rejection of the claim. When this report came before the house, Mr. Owen, of Alabama, moved to recommit the bill, with instructions to report the evidence, and to reverse the principle in the first report.

On the discussion of this motion much excitement was manifested; but the mover having modified his resolution, so as to ask only a report of the evidence on the claim, the motion was agreed to. Those who spoke against the report, contended, that the slave had not been impressed as a moral agent, but as property; and, as the property had been destroyed, the government was bound by the constitution, to make compensation for its loss.

The subject was not again brought before the house, during the session.

The first session of this congress closed on the 22d day of May, 1826. It was a long session; but was not, distinguished by any important measures, excepting the sanction given to the Panama Mission. Nearly all the propositions which were called for by the public voice, were defeated, either from want of time for their consideration; or by an influence, which seemed to exert itself for the sole purpose of rendering those, who administered

sion.

When congress first assembled, but little was known of the materials of which it was composed, and great curiosity was manifested to ascertain the sentiments of those, who were not committed, either to support or oppose the administration. Many of the members were new in political life; and of those, who had been long before the public, there were many, who professed a willingness to judge the administration according to its measures. Others were predetermined on opposition, and, from the first assembling of congress, devoted themselves to thwarting the measures, which its friends urged upon the consideration of congress. The vice president and his friends were most prominent in this class of politicians; and from the station held by that gentleman, as president of the senate, he was enabled to give consistency and character to the course adopted by the opposition. By the rules of the senate, he was empowered to appoint all the committees, and in the exercise of that power, he was careful to appoint a majority of those, who were known to be unfriendly to the administration, upon most of the important committees. To so great an extent was this hostility manifested, that the majority of the

« ПретходнаНастави »