years ago, the whites might have little cause to apprehend the probability, or the consequences of an insurrection, compared with what they now have. Hayti has arisen in the midst of the West Indies, and given them a terrible example of what the infuriated blacks may possibly do, should any unforeseen accident place arms in their hands, and create hostility between them and their masters. On the neigh boring continent, too, a family of new republics, have sprung into being, who do not encourage the institution of personal slavery; nay, whose most effective troops are oftentimes composed of the African races. Sound policy, therefore, dictates the propriety of placing the condition of the blacks on such a footing, that, neither trodden into the earth by oppression, nor filled with impracticable ideas of liberty, they may have such a stake in the community as to make sure of their obedience to a just and firm, but not capricious authority.

Little progress was made in 1825, towards procuring the adoption of the plan which we have explained, by any of the colonial legislatures. They refused, for instance, to relinquish the use of the whip as a stimulus to labor; to abolish Sunday markets and Sunday labor; or to give their slaves opportunity of religious instruction. Representations also went to the

metropolis, from some of them, of the apprehended injurious effects of the discussions on the subject in parliament.

Nor was much more accomplished during the last year. Indeed, ever since the first promulgation of the plans devised by the mother country, for meliorating the condition of the blacks, a wordy warfare has been kept up between the colonial legislatures and the ministry, which forcibly recals to mind. the stamp-act remonstrances of the early stages of our revolution. Without copying the resolutions of all the islands, it will be sufficient to exhibit what Jamaica, the largest of the islands, has done.

The colonial house of assembly adjourned in December, after an unusually long session; and, it is said, in perfect good humor with the duke of Manchester, the governor; both parties feeling desirous of preserving harmony, between the colony and the government at home. But some of the acts of the session indicated a decided hostility to the projected reform. We pass over the temporary refusal of the legislature to provide means, for paying the custom-house officers their salaries, in consequence of which, the duke gave orders for the temporary collection of additional duties. We pass over, also, some minatory resolves of comparatively small mo

ment, to relate a vote, which, affecting the prominent subject of discussion in the colonies, probably spoke the sentiment, not of Jamaica alone, but of her sister islands. The assembly unanimously voted for a memorial to be addressed to the king, praying him to interpose his authority, and save the colonies from ruin, by preventing the introduction of measures, totally inconsistent with their internal government, and incompatible with the welfare and happiness of all classes of their population; and farther, entreating him, that, if such measures were again to be submitted to them, a definite pledge of equitable compensation for the sacrifice of their property should be given, previous to demanding their compliance.

Certain it is, the colonists are so far in the right, that infinite precaution is necessary, in touching the condition of the black population. Legislators living a thousand leagues off, amid different institutions, a different people, and with no practical knowledge of the subject, may imagine they are very philanthropic, when they are, in truth, only enthusiastic. Ere the British parliament undertake to force upon the colonies a system of slave laws, which the colonial legislatures declare to be fatal to their security; it may be

discreet in them to pause, and obtain minute information on the subject.

CUBA, until very recently, was the great rendezvous of Spanish forces, for the purpose of aggressive warfare againt the insurgent colonies. But its policy is now changed. Spain having been deprived of all her territory on the continent, by the surrender of the castle of Callao, in the Pacific; and of St. Juan de Ullua, the last strong holds of her power; lost all the means of successfully undertaking offensive operations, even if she could have commanded the requisite resources of troops and money. Completely prostrate, at home, by means of intestine convulsions, she was far from having the ability to be any longer formidable to the new Spanish American nations. On the contrary, the question with her now, was to preserve Cuba and Puerto Rico, from the fate of the continental colonies.

Those islands, owing to peculiar circumstances, indicate no general desire to separate from the mother country. Possessing freedom of trade, their condition is flourishing; and their inhabitants have, on the whole, much risk of loss, to balance what they might gain, by a revolution. The authority of Spain attached to them

but slightly. Their government is, indeed, as mild, probably, as their condition will admit. Its greatest fault, perhaps, is that it has not had the power, or having the power, had not the inclination, to repress many outrages, which would never have been suffered to exist under a firmer and better government. Hence the prevalence of piratical expeditions, in which too many of the inhabitants were concerned as well as of voyages to the African coast, for slaves, in violation of Spanish treaties with England.

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The majority of the population seems, therefore, content with subjection to Spain; and such of the Creoles as are anxious for independence, have to yield to the superior numbers and greater power of the royalists, whether Creoles or Spaniards. Besides, none can fail to appreciate the danger of a rising among the blacks, if the island should be shaken by civil war.

In the mean time, however, the disaffected in these islands, appear to have kept up a constant correspondence with the independents in Colombia and Mexico. These two governments, naturally desire to see Cuba and Puerto Rico in their own hands; especially, so long as their independence remains unacknowledged by Spain. Hence expeditions against the islands have been constantly a subject of consideration among the patriots.

Colombia has more than once been confidently supposed, to be fitting out squadrons against Cuba. Mexico has twice been publicly preparing forces for a descent; and even suffered her intentions, to be the topic of parliamentary discussion in her congress. Finally, the invasion of Cuba, it is well known, was an important object of consideration in the congress of Panama.

In the United States, the matter is one of hardly less interest, than it is to the immediate parties themselves. Cuba is the key of the gulf of Mexico. Its contiguity to the coast of Florida, and its position as respects the Mississippi, make it of vast importance to us, that no foreign power, capable of being unfriendly to us, should gain possession of it. Our commercial intercourse with it, in its present political situation, is also immense; and there is no great cause to believe, that we should be any better off in this respect, were Cuba independent. We should certainly be greatly prejudiced in our trade, if it were occupied by France or England. Farthermore, we sustain numberless inconveniences by the continuance of a war at our very doors.

Hence the United States, feeling that, for them, no change is desirable, in the political or commercial condition of Cuba and Puerto Rico; have used the great

est exertions to secure the islands to Spain, on proper conditions. Early in 1825, they made overtures to Russia and France; having for their object, to procure an acknowledgment of the independence of the American republics, on the basis of guaranteeing to Spain, the possession of Cuba and Puerto Rico. These overtures of our government appear to have been well received. All our information from Europe authorise the belief that the great powers were favorably inclined towards peace, and would, separately or conjointly, give pacific counsels to Spain. It will be understood, of course, that our ministers at Madrid, Mr. Nelson and Mr. Everett, were not backward in urging Spain to desist from a contest injurious to her, and desperate in itself, by all the most conclusive arguments.

Under these circumstances, when it was generally and confidently rumored in the United States, during the last winter, that Colombia and Mexico were fitting out a joint expedition against Cuba; our government communicated to the ministers of those republics, the negotiation which it was carrying on in Europe; and urged upon them the expediency of suspending the contemplated invasion, in the actual posture of affairs. This recommendation coupled with other causes, undoubtedly had the de

sired effect, and induced Mexico and Colombia to delay any attack, which they might have contemplated, upon Cuba and Puerto.

What influence the late events in Colombia and in Europe, may have upon the critical condition of those islands, it is vain to conjecture. Our government could never see them pass into the hands of France, or of England, with indifference; and it is to be hoped, that the united efforts of Europe and the United States may end in giving peace to Spain, and stability of political condition to Cuba.

Its affairs are said to be well administered by the captain-general, D. Francisco Dionisio Vives. Its whole population is about a million; and its revenue may be estimated from that of Havana, which amounted, in the year 1824, to 3,025,300 dollars. Under the efficient management of the Intendant, Pinillos, the finances are said to be in a flourishing condition, and have furnished the means of defraying several expensive out-fits of the Spanish squadron; and the demands for the support of the army, fortifications, and local government. In addition to the large naval force, now stationed at Havana, a line of battle ship, and several smaller ones, destined for Cuba, are said to be now in preparation at home, out of the exhausted resources of Spain. Apprehensions