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vindicated his own conduct and intentions, entering into a full explanation of the political feelings of the people of Venezuela, who, he said, were not satisfied with the constitution, laws, or policy of the government. His authority, he added, had been the only pillar which supported the edifice in that department. The inhabitants firmly demanded a reform in the constitution. They would undertake no offensive measures, but would resolutely defend themselves against aggression, from whatever quarter it came; whether from the government, or others. Of course, this despatch placed general Paez in open opposition to the congress and constitution; and communicated to his acts, the character of deliberate separation from, and assumed independence of, any member of the government, except the liberator.

paired credit, which must necessarily be entailed upon the country, in consequence of the insurrection.

In this state, affairs continued in Venezuela for some time. Paez raised all the military force he could command; preparing to meet any movement from general Bermudez, who, it seemed to be feared at Valencia, would be sent to reduce him to subjection. When Paez entered Caraccas, he issued a proclamation, declaring that his ultimate object, in accepting authority, was to accelerate the holding of a convention, to revise the constitution. Accordingly, he despatched commissioners to the various local authorities, inviting their co-operation in substituting the federal, instead of the central, form of government. These overtures, at first, were generally received with great coldness. CommuniHereupon the executive depart- cations to the general government, ment issued a spirited manifesto, from the commandants of Matudated July 12th, vindicating the ge- rin, Zulia, and Orinoco, contained neral government from the charges assurances of their determination brought against it by the Venezue- to maintain the constitution, until lians; denouncing the illegal, un- it was changed in a peaceful manwarranted, and treasonable proceed- ner. Among the insurgent faction ings of Paez and his adherents, and in Venezuela, as every where else, calling upon the nation to defend all persons anxiously awaited the and sustain the constitution. Lit- return of Bolivar from Peru; Paez tle apprehension of the result was himself expressing a readiness to then entertained, or, at least, ex- yield implicit obedience to the pressed, at the capital, except for liberator. Accounts of his apthe increased expenses, and im- proach were continually received.

and served to keep the public mind in agitation and suspense, at the same time, that they seemed to prevent either party from rushing into extremities.

Occasional vicissitudes occurred in the course of incidents, during this period. Serious differences broke out among the followers of Paez; a battalion of them, belonging to his favorite soldiers of Apure, headed by colonel Marceno, having left him, in August, to join general Bermudez at Cumana. Add to this, that the municipality of Puerto Cabello, at the instigation of the populace, published an act, August 8th, proclaiming the immediate adoption of the federative system. Such a precipitate measure was directly contrary to the understanding generally had in the department, to defer all proceedings on the subject, until the decision of Bolivar could be ascer

tained. It was to adopt reform, in defiance of the constitution, instead of recommending it. Upon this resolution being communicated to the cabildo of Caraccas, they signified their disapprobation of the hasty act of Puerto Cabello; adding, that they only wished for the federative system, provided it was peaceably obtained, according to the arrangements already made, and extended to the whole republic of Colombia. Whilst these things were going on, Paez

was absent in the interior, on the plains of Apure; and, on his return, he was deeply chagrined by them, especially by the disaffection of colonel Marceno to his cause.

Notwithstanding the discords in Venezuela, the general government were laboriously occupied in reestablishing the credit of the government, by all the means in their power. Bolivar continued to be impatiently expected. Preparations were more than once made for his reception; whether in good faith, or merely to keep up the spirits of the constitutional party, we know not. At length the 12th of October was fixed for his arrival. Although Paez had some bad advisers, among whom the principal one was Dr. Pena, a man of some political distinction, now in disgrace for peculation, yet no doubt was entertained of his quietly submitting to Bolivar.

Indeed, he himself, for a time, seemed disposed, if possible, to retrace his steps, or, at least, unwilling to act in direct opposition to the government, if he could avoid it. At meetings, called by his orders, it was resolved to discharge the forces raised for defence, or other purposes, and to send a deputation to Bogota, representing the wishes of Venezuela, that the constitution might be altered; which was accordingly done.

These pacific indications had a salutary effect, in partially restoring public tranquillity. The resolutions were adopted in September, without any disturbance or acts of violence, or any interruption of the ordinary occupations of the people. At Carthagena and Caraccas, the people united in the same measures; and Cumana afterwards followed, with Margarita, and other principal places in that quarter of Colombia. Gathering confidence, therefore, from the declaration of so many places in his favor, Paez now persisted in demanding, with a firmer tone, a convention for remodelling the constitution. Soon afterwards, the difference between him and Marceno was satisfactorily adjusted.

Revolting as it was to the exalted sense of Bolivar's character, which his past achievements had fixed in the hearts of all men; yet suspicions of collusion between him and Paez began to gain ground. Several circumstances, in themselves of little moment, were considered as betraying an understanding between these old companions in arms, in all that Paez had done. Besides, the inhabitants of the disturbed provinces did not disguise their expectation, that Bolivar would, nay, that he must, assume dictatorial powers, as the only means of arresting the progress of a civil war. Rumors of the na

ture of the institutions which he had expressly recommended to Bolivia, a government purely of his own creating, and which he was deemed desirous to impose upon Peru, gave currency to such suggestions.

They received some countenance from measures adopted in a department of Colombia, at present, more immediately within the sphere of Bolivar's influence. At Guayaquil, a great public meeting was holden in August, over which, the intendant and commanding general of the province, presided. Its object and declaration coincided with those of Venezuela, with the addition of openly designating the authority to be conferred on the liberator. They resolved, in the name of the department, that it was expedient to devolve the exercise of sovereignty on him, in shape of dictatorial power; and that he should convoke a grand Colombian convention to decide on the constitution and destinies of the republic. Until he arrived and assumed this authority, the political condition of Guayaquil was to remain unchanged. Quito speedily followed the example of Guayaquil, expressly bestowing on Bolivar the title and powers of dictator.

Whatever might have been the origin of the movements on the Pacific side of Colombia, they necessarily inspirited and strengthened the re

form party in Venezuela. If, said they, Quito and Guayaquil co-operate with Orinoco and Venezuela, if the two opposite corners of the republic concur in expressing the same sentiments, does it not prove conclusively the existence of radical abuses in our political system, which demand correction? On the other hand, seeming, as the movements in the south certainly did, to emanate directly from Bolivar, those persons in Venezuela, who merely desired a federative union, governed by a congress and a president, with limited powers, were justly alarmed at the idea of a dictatorship, or a constitution like that of Bolivia.

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If any thing was needed to increase their alarm, the declaration of Bolivar himself, would have furnished it. In August, he addressed a letter to the municipality of Guayaquil, in consequence of a meeting held there in July, which meeting, reprobated any violence, but asked a convention to form the government from the constitutional authorities. The letter signified his entire fidence in the integrity of Paez, indirectly applauding his conduct, or at least, questioning its irregularity. It farther stated, that "he had given his confession of political faith in the constitution presented to Bolivia." Never, it added, was assembled an equal amount of social and individual security in any

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political system. Besides, at a public meeting, holden at Caraccas, early in November, Paez repeated the same sentiments, in a manner calculated, apparently, to prepare the people for such a revolution. About the same time, also, despatches reached Caraccas from Bolivar, which fully authorised Paez to hold the language above mentioned. mentioned. We single out a letter, addressed to Dr. Cristobal Mendoza, intendant of Venezuela, whom Bolivar says he selected as the organ for communicating his ideas to his countrymen. Among other remarkable expressions, he writes, "I propose the Bolivia code, which, with some slight alterations, appears to me, suitable to the circumstances of Colombia." And again; "Colombia is the sacred and magical word of all good citizens: I, myself, am the rallying point of all who love the national glory, and the rights of the people."

It would be needless to recount the public meetings of the va rious municipalities, in addition to those we have already described, with the exception of the Caraccas meeting, November 6th, declaring the departments of Venezuela and Apure, federal states; and inviting the other departments of the republic to confederate with them. In pursuance of this invitation, Paez issued a proclamation, summoning a constituent assembly to meet for Ve

nezuela, in January, 1827, with out waiting for the general convention of all Colombia. Suffice it to say, in respect to all the meetings alluded to, that their objects were so diverse; that the republic was justly declared, by Paez, to be, in a manner, resolved into its constituent elements. Venezuela and Apure, were for a federal union; Guayaquil adopted the Bolivia code; the Isthmus desired the Hanseatic system; some departments demanded a dictator, others merely a modification of the existing constitution, to which Cundinamarca still adhered, as the true social compact of Colombia. In such a scene of confusion, Bolivar was the only point, to which all, as with one accord, looked for the attainment of their several objects.

Hitherto, no bloodshed had arisen out of these revolutionary proceedings, other than such as ordinarily attends a mere civil commotion, and the pendency of martial law.

But affairs now began to assume a more alarming aspect. Puerto Cabello refused to be bound by the doings of the late meetings at Caraccas, which caused Paez to hasten thither, to restore his authority. The government at Bogota, which, in the beginning of the disturbances, had not apprehended any serious consequences from them; or, apprehending them, had concealed its fears, could

no longer pretend indifference to a revolution, which pervaded the remotest departments of Colombia;, and was fatal alike to order and the constitution. But it had not power to enforce the laws, and could only wait, with the rest of the republic, to be relieved by the presence of one, whose coming might, perhaps, restore tranquillity, by substituting despotism in the place of anarchy.

On the receipt of communications from Guayaquil and Quito, announcing their submissive acts, the vice-president made a reply, utterly disapproving of their proceedings. General Santander declared, that so long as he was placed at the head of the government, and one solitary village could be found to respect the constitution, he would firmly sustain it, and sacrifice to it his life and fortune.

At Cumana, defensive operations were now commencing. General Bermudez, who persisted in his fidelity to the constitution, took possession of the battery, at the mouth of the Cumana river, and was joined by colonel Montes, who had previously promoted the revolutionary proceedings at Cumana. A slight engagement actually took place, in November, between general Bermudez and colonel Ruiz, who held Cumana for the revolutionists. General Bermudez had only a small force, and being de

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