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ental. When the revolution took place, Monte Video, with its dependant territory, was utterly averse to continuing subject to Buenos Ayres. It was the desire of the inhabitants to have an independent government. It was their right, so far, at least, as respected any claim of supremacy, from other Spanish provinces. Hence arose the success of Artigas. He could never have maintained himself independent of Buenos Ayres, had not the wishes of the Orientalists been with him. On the other hand, Brazil possesses not the shadow of a right to one foot of the territory, which it is seeking to hold. Hostile aggression, invasion, and conquest, it is true, gave the king of Portugal a species of title; but it was not one, which the conquered, themselves, were under any obligations to respect. They reluctantly submitted to the Brazillian yoke, until a favorable occasion came for shaking it off; and we heartily wish they may achieve their independence of such a govern

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desirous only, in either event, that it may be released from the arbitrary rule of Don Pedro.

We do not purpose to attempt giving, at present, a narrative of the military or naval operations of the last year, which have not, thus far, produced any decisive result. It has been alike prejudicial to the affairs of Brazil, and of her antagonist. Whilst Pedro has maintained a blockade, more or less ef fectual, of the river La Plata, the Patriots, on the other hand, cut up the Brazillian commerce, with their privateers and swift sailing cruisers. The republic, however, acts rather on the defensive, except in the Banda Oriental itself, all of which remained in the hands of the patriots at the last advices, save only Monte Video and Colonia. These two places continued in the same condition, at the end of the year, as at the commencement of the war; held by the Brazillians, but invested by the Patriots, with such means of maintaining a siege as they could command. On the sea, admiral Brown, the chief of the naval forces of the republic, has compensated, by his bravery, activity, and address, for the inferiority of his navy, and obtained many brilliant advantages over the Imperialists. Should he be joined by the Chilian squadron, according to expectation, their united strength would enable him to undertake

some enterprize of magnitude. gang into Brazil,-a mode of rais

Towards the close of the year, the emperor himself sailed from Rio, for the purpose of prosecuting the war in person with renewed vigor; and the Patriot army, in the Banda Oriental, under general Alvear, was preparing for a movement upon the province of Rio Grande. By the prosecution of the war, as must be readily perceived, the commerce of neutral nations undergoes much inconvenience. It is more prejudicial to France and Great Britain, than to the United States; but it leads to repeated collisions, of no very pleasant nature, between our citizens and the Brazillian officers. We have mentioned the introduction of the press

ing soldiers and mariners well suited to the genius of that government, which persists to the last in sanctioning the slave trade, when it is declared infamous by law among all other civilized nations. Pedro's mercenaries, in the prosecution of their arbitrary levies, have more than once had the audacity to impress Americans. But this abuse is of more limited operation, than the futile attempts of the emperor to enforce a paper blockade, which the United States have steadily resisted, and, we trust, will never cease to resist, whatever high examples of European authority, Pedro may allege in vindication of a principle so absurd.

CHAPTER X.

GREAT BRITAIN.--Ministers-Parliament 1825-Address-Catholic Association-Catholic Relief. Finance and Trade--Other LawsGreeks-Treaties--Pecuniary Distress-Parliament 1826--Currency-Finance-Slavery-Miscellaneous--Pecuniary Difficulties-Sufferings of Manufacturers-Dissolution of Parliament-Elections.

Of all foreign nations, the most interesting and instructive as a study for American statesmen, is England. It was the land of our forefathers, who, while they fled here for refuge from the cruelty, injustice, and bigotry of their mother country, brought with them too many of its institutions for their posterity to lose entirely the feelings of association with a people having a common language, a common origin, and kindred laws and literature. Our forms of legislation are borrowed in a great measure, from the English. Parlimentary eloquence is the same thing here that it is there; it is embodied in the same rich, copious, expressive, nervous tongue; it speaks to the people in either country, through the organs of the press, and bears the same vivid impress of popular oratory; it is attached, in no small degree, to the same topics of discussion. We are the rivals each of the other in maritime commerce, as we are in naval glory; and the leading measures of our internal

policy, have like objects, to wit, the encouragement of the sister arts of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce. We, however, enjoy the peculiar blessing of a republican government, which ensures to us equal rights, and enables us to employ our resources and faculties with the least restraint consistent with the maintenance of civil order. Economy, and frugality, also, as much distinguish our administration of affairs, as the opposite qualities do the practice of the British empire. But the very differences in policy between the two countries, constitute a source of instruction to us. We shall therefore devote a larger space to the history of Great Britain, than that of any other country will require.

During most of the period embraced by our plan, Great Britain has been at peace with all the world, if we except some slight contests in Western Africa, and the Burmese war, waged by her dependencies in the East Indies. Her measures of foreign policy will.

therefore, demand less of our attention, than the internal condition of the country, and the state of its great pecuniary interests, which have undergone essential changes. A large portion of the matter belonging to the national history, either consisting of acts of parliament, or of incidents very fully discussed in that body, we shall begin with a brief review of the parliamentary proceedings of the year 1825, premising an account of some of the principal cabinet minis

ters.

The earl of Liverpool, is first lord of the treasury, and prime minister. From his advanced age, he is not presumed to bear so large a share of the duties of administration as some of his colleagues; but is the principal organ of the ministry in the house of lords.

Lord Eldon has held the office of lord chancellor for a quarter of a century. He, like his brother, sir William Scott, now lord Stowell, has been eminently successful in life; and though the earl of Eldon cannot be denied the gifts of great acuteness and learning, yet he seems to have outlived much of his usefulness, and injured his fame by too great tenaciousness of office. In his political character, he sturdily opposes improvements in trade, in law, and in foreign policy; and the intolerable delays of his court, are the subject of great and merited

complaints. The appointments of a vice chancellor and a speaker of the house of lords, are expedients lately adopted for his relief from a part of the multifarious duties of the chancellorship.

The acknowledged head of the ministry in point of talents is Mr. Canning, secretary of state for foreign affairs. He was born in 1771, of respectable, but not opulent or distinguished parentage; and after a legal education, he devoted himself to the career of politics. He came into parliament at an early age in 1793, under the patronage of Mr. Pitt; and being distinguished for his literary acquirements and abilities, he speedily rose into notice. Under Pitt's ministry, he was introduced into office. On that great man's retirement in 1801, Mr. Canning also resigned his places; but resumed office on Mr. Pitt's restoration, and held it until his death in 1806. Afterwards he was a secretary of state a short time, but resigned in consequence of a misunderstanding with lord Castlereagh. Towards the close of this nobleman's life, Mr. Canning and he seem to have become reconciled; the former being made president of the board of control, and also accepting a mission to Portugal. When lord Londonderry suddenly died by suicide in 1822, Mr. Canning was preparing to go to India, in the capacity of governor general.

office to the present time, with varying fluctuations of popularity, according to the stormy vicissitudes of Irish politics. By the splendor of his achievements, when lord Mornington, and governor-general of India, he is widely known; although since outstripped, in the ca

But in September, he was created foreign secretary, although not without opposition from some members of the cabinet; and it was said from the king himself, By the liberality of his foreign policy in that office for the last four years, he has, on the whole, and as compared with his immediate pre-reer of fame and fortune, by his decessors, obtained the general approbation of his countrymen.

Mr. Huskisson, president of the board of trade, and Mr. Robinson, chancellor of the exchequer, have acted in unison in their views of trade and finance, which accord, in some respects, with those of the political economist of the liberal school. Their plans have been, as yet, but partially introduced; and the merit of them is still in the course of trial.

The home secretary, Mr. Peel, is chiefly remarkable for parliamentary talents, and those are generally exerted on the high church side, of all political questions.

The other members of the cabinet are, lords Harrowby, Westmoreland, Melville, Wellington, Bathurst, Bexley, and Sidmouth, and Mr. Wynn. To these personages, public opinion ascribes a part subordinate, in some degree, to that of their colleagues, in the great measures of public policy.

The marquis of Wellesley, appointed lord-lieutentant of Ireland, in December, 1821, has held that

younger brother, the duke of Wellington. A succession of decisive victories over Tippoo, Sindia, and Holkar, and other great advantages gained from the native chiefs, render lord Mornington's administration of India, one of the most brilliant epochs in its history.

The year 1825, was signalized by a political event, which had been for some time anticipated,-the recognition, by Great Britain, of the independence of the states of Mexico, Buenos Ayres, and Colombia. They were already independent, in fact; and the acknowledgment of their sovereignty, by the United States, drew after it a similar act of justice from England. Indeed, the commercial interest of the kingdom loudly demanded the measure; the expediency of which, was not less manifest, than its justice and generosity. It excited much speculation in France; and Sr. Zea Bermudez, the Spanish prime minister, protested against it, in a long state paper, which was ably answered by Mr. Canning.

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