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ceeding short lived administration, of which Richelieu was the president, M. de Villele regained his influence with the court party by his ardent support of the election law, and the laws abridging the liberty of the press, and the person. In this manner, he prepared the way to become the successor of that ministry, when they should be driven from their posts.

His associates are M. Corbière, minister of the interior; the marquis de Clermont Tonnerre, of war; the count de Chabrol de Crouzol, of the marine; M. de Peyronnet, of justice; the baron de Damas, of foreign affairs; M. de Frayssinous, of public worship. Of these, Corbière and Peyronnet, both advocates by profession, and men of no uncommon abilities, are said to have formed a species of alliance with Villele, which strengthens and has thus far maintained their authority. Beside these, M. de Frayssinous, titular bishop of Hermopolis in Egypt, demands particular notice; because through him the ministry is connected with the high church party and the jesuits. We shall have repeated occasion to observe the operation of the ultra principles of the cabinet, upon the internal condition and the foreign affairs of France, in the course of our historical sketch. They have been fortunate in obtaining a much firmer hold on office, than the crowd

of ephemeral ministers, who preceded them; and although vigorously opposed by Pasquier, Chateaubriand, and La Bourdonnaye, among the loyalists, and literally hated by the liberal party, seem to have calculated well, at least for the duration of their power.

It is probable, that the individual character of the king, which sympathizes with the ultras, and the emigrants, whom M. de Villele, and his associates, of necessity favor, may contribute to the strength of their ministry. But their success, at the election of 1824, in excluding many of their adversaries from the chamber of deputies, left the opposition there, enfeebled, and diminished. Accordingly, at the session of 1825, the ministers proposed, and carried measures, which had been long apprehended, by the liberal party. The measures were alluded to, in the speech of the new king, at the opening of the chambers, which was looked for, by the nation, at this period, with unusual interest. Charles began, by speaking of his grief, at the death of a king, whom he called "wise, and good, beloved by his family, venerated by his people, honored and respected, by all foreign governments. The glory of his reign," he continued, "will never be effaced. Not only did he re-establish the throne of my ancestors, but he consolidated it, by institu

tions, which, bringing together, and uniting the past with the present, have restored to France, repose, and happiness." After expressing his satisfaction, at witnessing the tranquillity of the state, in all its relations, foreign and domestic, he declared, that the present was a fit opportunity for closing the last wounds of the revolution, and for effectually protecting the interests of religion. He concluded, by signifying his design, to be consecrated, at the close of the session. "Prostrated," he said, "at the foot of the same altar where Clovis received the sacred unction, and in presence of him who judges nations, and kings, I will renew the oath, to maintain, and cause to be observed, the laws of the state, and the institutions granted by the king, my father, I will thank providence, for having deigned to make use of me, in order to repair the last misfortunes of my people; and I will beseech the Almighty, to continue to protect that beautiful France, which I am proud of governing."

While conceived throughout, with much art, in the selection of topics, and great happiness of diction, this speech afforded a presage of the leading acts of the session. The first, was the establishment of the civil list, which met with very slight opposition. By it, the private property of the

late, and the present king, was added to the estates of the crown ; and twenty-five millions of francs were to be paid, annually, to the orders of the ministers of the household, during the life of Charles X. The appanage of the royal family, was fixed at seven millions, annually; and the property of the branch of Orleans, was to continue, to be enjoyed by the head of that house. Farthermore, the sum of six millions was appropriated, for the funeral obsequies of the late king, and the contemplated consecration of his successor.

The next law encountered warm resistance, but, nevertheless, was pushed, triumphantly, through both chambers. It provided for granting indemnity to the former proprietors of real estate, confiscated, and sold, under the revolutionary decrees against emigrants. A commission was appointed, to investigate the claims for indemnification; and to determine the persons, and the sums to be paid to them, respectively, with the marshall duke of Tarentum, for president. The indemnity was to be paid in rentes, a credit of thirty millions being placed at the disposal of the minister of finance, for the accomplishment of this object. Thus, although some objected to the measure, as too anti-revolutionary, and the emigrants were dissatisfied, that they could not be in

demnified out of those alone, who had gained by their spoils, M. de Villele's plan went into operation, in spite of every obstacle.

For the purpose of diminishing the taxes and the amount of public debt, another law was passed, enacting the substitution of a stock, bearing interest at 3 and 4 per cent, in lieu of the existing 5 per cent stock. The law was passed, after a violent resistance on the part of M. Pasquier, and M. de Chateaubriand; but did not wholly attain its end; as, owing to fluctuations in the price of stocks, and to difficulties made by the freeholders, the conversion was but partially accepted.

M. de Villele opened the budget for the year, with a flattering account of the state of the finances. He stated the receipts of 1824, at 992,333,953 francs, and the expenditure at 990,119,582 francs, and presented an equally favorable view of the pecuniary resources of the nation, for 1825 and 1826.

All these financial measures, and statements, connected with the beginning of the reign, formed the subject, necessarily, of interesting speculation, to all parties, and persons, within the kingdom; but attracted less notice from abroad, than the laws of the same session, against a singular crime, the invention of priestcraft and superstition, to which the jesuits gave the name

of deicide. This offence, was the profanation of the sacred utensils, and sacred elements (hostie,) declared punishable by death as a parricide. Ineffectual efforts were made to procure a milder punishment; and this sanguinary law was at length passed, by a great majority. But, however successful in this project, the ultra party failed, in an attempt to confer on the king, the power of erecting, and suppressing nunneries, which the chambers retained, in the hands of the three branches of the legislature.

The debates of the chambers, upon other incidental topics, furnish little of interest, in foreign countries, except in regard to some of the external relations of the country. The ministry continued averse to adopting the necessary measures, for the suppression of the slave trade. The mercantile classes were anxious, to procure the recognition of the independence of Spanish America. They petitioned the king to follow the example of England, so as to enable his subjects to participate, on equal terms, in the lucrative trade of the newborn nations. The ministry saw how useful this would be to the commercial interests; and dreaded, also, the preponderance in America, which England was likely to acquire by her superior liberality. The connections of France, on the other hand, with Spain, and the re

cent undertaking of the former to re-establish legitimacy in the latter, seemed to preclude the possibility of formally acknowledging the independence of the revolted states. The government, therefore, contented itself with obtaining from Ferdinand, the mere nominal benefit of a liberty to trade with America; and consented to admit Colombian and Mexican vessels into the French ports, on condition of their not displaying their national flags.

This compromising policy has justly caused the Spanish American states to be extremely jealous of France, whose government, they apprehend, entertains views hostile to their emancipation.

Early in this year, the French government concluded an artful arrangement with the inhabitants of Hayti, of which a full account has been given in the history of that island. We will only observe here, that, after protracted negotiations, the king of France secretly made an ordinance, dated April 17th, 1825, which is nominally a recognition of independence, but substantially an assertion of sovereignty. It declares the ports of St. Domingo open, to all nations, and the duties on their vessels equal, except that they shall be reduced one half in favor of France. It provides, that the present inhabitants shall pay to the ex-colonists, an indemnity of 150.000,

000 francs, in five equal yearly instalments. Finally, on these conditions, Charles "grants to the actual inhabitants" of Hayti, "the full and entire independence of their government." This ordinance was accepted by President Boyer, the following July: and thus Hayti, by the fraud or the weakness of its government, from a state of real independence, became reduced to a kind of qualified subjection to France.

The coronation of Charles X. took place at Rheims, the 29th of May; but the ceremonies accompanying this solemnity, awakened far less attention than was anticipated. Reflecting and liberal-minded men began to regard the king with different sentiments from those, with which they hailed his accession to the throne. The pageantry, on this occasion, was attended with more frivolities, if possible, than the similar consecration of the present king of England. The fanatical agents of the jesuits, and the more bigoted among the clergy, embraced the opportunity to impose the most idle mummeries upon the people, who, to their credit be it recorded, for the most part, regarded the whole with a degree of indifference, which did not escape the notice of the king himself. The flourish of relics, and the exhibition of the sainte ampoule, threw

an air of ridicule over a ceremony, to leave the city.
which could be tolerated only in a
country familiar with the courtly
forms of monarchy, and which, in
this age, have entirely lost their
pristine influence upon the minds
of men. The consecration amused
for the time, like other spectacles;
but, solemnized even as it was, in the
cathedral of Rheims, and in all its
ancient state, it failed to produce
that impression, which, in any cir-
cumstances, would be its only be-
neficial effect.

His friends, nevertheless, contrived to escort him from Havre, in spite of the opposition of the police, who meanly sought to annoy a man, vastly elevated, by his character, above their petty resentment.

Few political events, of any general interest, occurred in France, during the latter part of the year 1825. The period did not elapse, however, without some incidents, which served strongly to contrast the liberality of sentiment prevailing among the people, with the intolerance and jealousy of the ultra party in power. Of this character, was the conduct of the local authorities, towards La Fayette, on occasion of his landing at Havre, on his return from his visit to the United States. The citizens of Havre hailed him with great enthusiasm; but the police saw fit, in compliance, no doubt, with the wishes of the ministry, to order out the gendarmerie, and charge the unoffending multitude with drawn sabres; in consequence of which, many of them sustained serious injury. They also prohibited his being supplied with post horses

But a matter of greater notoriety, and still more strikingly illustrative of the evil influence exercised by the jesuits, was, the prosecution of the Constitutionnel,and the Courier Français, two of the best conducted liberal journals printed in Paris. By direction of the ministry, the king's advocate, Bellart, presented to the Cour Royale a requisitoire, demanding the suspension of those newspapers for three months, for the alleged irreligious tendency of many passages,

inserted in them from time to time. The judgment of the court, in respect to both, pronounced December 3d, was, that although some expressions and phrases, in the articles complained of, were censurable; yet the general tendency of the pieces was good, being calculated to resist the establishment of religious orders not sanctioned by law, and the ultramontane doctrines preached by part of the clergy.. These decisions, although said to be agreeable to the secret wishes of M. de Villele, gave great umbrage to the court party; but equally great satisfaction to the public

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